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William Sutcliffe: the power of the West Bank wall

A visit to the West Bank with the Palestine festival of literature made William Sutcliffe rebuild his novel The Wall

Israel's separation barrier in the West Bank

Israel’s separation barrier in the West Bank village of Al-Ram.

No matter how many photographs you have seen, coming face to face with the wall in the West Bank is a shock. We often use the word “concrete” as an antonym for “imaginary”, but when I first touched this eight-metre-high edifice of concrete, alongside what would otherwise have been a quite ordinary street, my first reaction was disbelief. How had this been thought of, let alone built? Up close, this wall seemed both real and implausible.

Everyone has heard of the Berlin Wall. The wall in the West Bank, despite being twice as high and four times as long, is not such a familiar structure. It is the biggest civil engineering project in the history of Israel, so far costing more than $2.6bn (£1.7bn), but many of us don’t even know what it looks like. Perhaps the most extraordinary facet of this unique construction, built on land at the very nexus of the bitterest land dispute of modern times, is that it appears to have swathed itself in a cloak of current affairs invisibility.

As a novelist, and a diaspora Jew disturbed by Israel’s ever-increasing military belligerence, the more the world ignored this wall, the more interested in it I became. During the 10 years of its construction, as this part-wall, part-fence spread across the West Bank, tracing a perplexingly circuitous route, I slowly became convinced that this edifice was more than just a wall. It was a symbol of something. But to discover exactly what, I had to start writing.

I developed an idea about a boy in an unnamed, non-specific place, a comfortable suburb, who has never questioned the impenetrable wall adjacent to his home, or his parents’ stories about the “enemy” on the other side. His discovery of a tunnel, and the growth of his teenage inquisitiveness, lead him to unearth some painful truths. I finished a rough draft, only to discover that the story worked, but that the setting was too vague. Was this, or was it not, a novel about the West Bank? I realised that I needed to visit the wall that had initially sparked my interest and make a decision about how specific I wanted my novel to be. A chance conversation alerted me to the fact that the Palestine Festival of Literature, or Palfest as it is usually known, was coming up. I wrote to the organisers and, to my delight, they made space for me.

I felt well-versed in the subject, well‑read on the political situation, but nothing had prepared me for the devastating reality of visiting the West Bank. Since it is extremely difficult for Palestinians to travel freely around the occupied territories, Palfest has to travel to its audience rather than the other way round. It resembles a roadshow rather than any other literary festival, delivering to Nablus, Jenin, Ramallah, East Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Hebron an international group of writers for an intense series of workshops, seminars, readings and discussions with local writers.

The festival has a dual purpose, serving as much to entertain its audience as to educate the writers who participate. It is in the travel between events, coming up against the effects of military occupation on ordinary civilian life, that this education takes its most shocking form.

We crossed the wall twice at Qalandia checkpoint, as 23,000 Palestinians are obliged to do every day. This checkpoint has turned what was once a simple 20-minute drive from Ramallah to East Jerusalem into a complex ordeal. Physically going through this checkpoint, walking through the claustrophobic metal cages, awaiting the release of a remotely operated turnstile that allows through one person at a time, surrounded by crowds of impatient but stoical Palestinians trying to get to work, scrutinised from above by armed soldiers on raised gantries, was a visceral experience.

The phrase “military occupation” trips off the tongue easily. Only in close proximity to the invading army do you begin to get any inkling of what it must feel like to live your life at the mercy of hostile foreign troops. In a lifetime of movie-watching I have seen thousands of weapons, but at Qalandia checkpoint I felt, for the first time, the power of the gun.

In the long queue I found myself adjacent to a doctor who had qualified in Germany and now worked in Jerusalem, but who had been refused a Jerusalem residence permit by the Israeli authorities on return from her training. She, therefore, had to live away from her family, in Ramallah, and endure this checkpoint twice a day. “I could work in Europe and live a normal life,” she told me. “But that is what they want. For people like me to leave.” This, she implied, was the real purpose of the wall. It was her duty not to be forced out.

I returned from Palestine psychologically and emotionally devastated by what I had seen. Every aspect of the occupation was harsher, more brutal than I had expected. For months, I couldn’t even look at the draft of my novel. The idea of treating this topic too lightly, of not doing justice to the suffering I had witnessed, filled me with shame. I knew I had to make the next draft of the book resemble the West Bank more closely, but I also knew it had to retain some distance from reality for the novel to function as fiction.

Eventually, I reread the work I had done, then set about picking it apart and rebuilding it in a modified world. I have ended up with a novel, The Wall, which is still set in a place that is, and isn’t, the West Bank. The novel’s setting is in some ways imaginary, but is also deeply researched. Anyone interested in this military occupation will, I hope, find some insights into the reality of how it operates. But I have only succeeded as a writer of fiction if this is a story that engages people who know nothing about Israel and Palestine, but are curious about a more universal topic: the division between the haves and the have-nots, and the invisibility of the latter in the eyes of the former. The wall in the West Bank may be unique, but what it represents has echoes everywhere.

(Source / 13.05.2013)

The Real Identity of Israel

I am Israel. I came to a land without a people for a people without a land. Those people who happened to be here, had no right to be here, and my people showed them they had to leave or die, razing 480 Palestinian villages to the ground, erasing their history.

I am Israel. Some of my people committed massacres and later became Prime Ministers to represent me. In 1948, Menachem Begin was in charge of the unit that slaughtered the inhabitants of Deir Yassin, including 100 men, women, and children. In 1953, Ariel Sharon led the slaughter of the inhabitants of Qibya, and in 1982 arranged for our allies to butcher around 2,000 in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila.

I am Israel. Carved in 1948 out of 78% of the land of Palestine, dispossessing its inhabitants and replacing them with Jews from Europe and other parts of the world. While the natives whose families lived on this land for thousands of years are not allowed to return, Jews from all over the world are welcome to instant citizenship.

I am Israel. In 1967, I swallowed the remaining lands of Palestine – the West Bank and Gaza – and placed their inhabitants under an oppressive military rule, controlling and humiliating every aspect of their daily lives. Eventually, they should get the message that they are not welcome to stay, and join the millions of Palestinian refugees in the shanty camps of Lebanon and Jordan.

I am Israel. I have the power to control American policy. My American Israel Public Affairs Committee can make or break any politician of its choosing, and as you see, they all compete to please me. All the forces of the world are powerless against me, including the UN as I have the American veto to block any condemnation of my war crimes. As Sharon so eloquently phrased it, “We control America”.

I am Israel. I influence American mainstream media too, and you will always find the news tailored to my favor. I have invested millions of dollars into PR representation, and CNN, New York Times, and others have been doing an excellent job of promoting my propaganda. Look at other international news sources and you will see the difference.

I am Israel. You Palestinians want to negotiate “peace!?” But you are not as smart as me; I will negotiate, but will only let you have your municipalities while I control your borders, your water, your airspace and anything else of importance. While we “negotiate,” I will swallow your hilltops and fill them with settlements, populated by the most extremist of my extremists, armed to the teeth. These settlements will be connected with roads you cannot use, and you will be imprisoned in your little Bantustans between them, surrounded by checkpoints in every direction.

I am Israel. I have the fourth strongest army in the world, possessing nuclear weapons. How dare your children confront my oppression with stones, don’t you know my soldiers won’t hesitate to blow their heads off? In 17 months, I have killed 900 of you and injured 17,000, mostly civilians, and have the mandate to continue since the international community remains silent. Ignore, as I do, the hundreds of Israeli reserve officers who are now refusing to carry out my control over your lands and people; their voices of conscience will not protect you.

I am Israel. You want freedom? I have bullets, tanks, missiles, Apaches and F-16s to obliterate you. I have placed your towns under siege, confiscated your lands, uprooted your trees, demolished your homes, and you still demand freedom? Don’t you get the message? You will never have peace
or freedom, because I am Israel.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=b4gymxY2zM8

(Source / 09.03.2013)

DRAH: Elections must include all Palestinians Everywhere

 

drah1

Gaza, (DRAH. ps) — Doctor Esam Adwan, the chairman of Division of Refugee Affairs in Hamas movement DRAH stated wdenday morning that the Palestinian intended elections should include all Palestinians everywhere.

Adwan stressed that Palestinian factions have a national duty that requires holding elections in all places the Palestinians exist, noting that such duty needs immediate implementation through coordination with states that host Palestinian refugees and organize electoral process with them.

He called on all states that host palestinians to allow Palestinians to participate in the National council elections.

Adwan called upon a national committee to be formed, whose mission would be to persuade Jordan, Lebanon and Arab Gulf countries to allow Palestinians existing in their territories to participate in Palestinian elections and to implement elections process, which promote the Palestinian presentation and right to poll. He stresses on the importance and necessity of allowing Palestinians in the Jordan territories to participate in the palestinian election of the national council.

Moreover, Adwan noted that such procedure is a clear proof that Jordan is so keen of Palestine and Palestinian people. He followed that such effort by Jordan will be highly appreciated by all Palestinians, adding it will prepare the situation for confederation between Palestine and Jordan in the nearest time.

He explained that Jordan could agree with PLO and other Palestinian factions in order not to repeat the presentation of Palestinians and to avoid duplication in the membership of the executive and legislative bodies.

Adwan continued that Jordan is required to facilitate elections process through an agreement with the PLO that organizes electoral relations, rights and duties.

He pointed out that Jordan has to provide the Palestinian Central Elections entrusted to oversee election process of Palestinian National Council, with a copy of the Palestinians voters’ Register and to allow the committee to register the citizens who have not rulled for elections.

He concluded that any failure to involve all Palestinians abroad in the elections of National Council means getting it weak and marginalized.

Division of Refugee Affairs – Hamas

(Source / 14.02.2013)

British surgeons carry out first organ transplants in Gaza

Volunteer medical team from Royal Liverpool hospital to train local staff at beleaguered Shifa hospital

Ziad Matouk Gaza transplant

Ziad Matouk, 42, had a kidney donated by his wife, Nadia, 36.

A team of British surgeons has carried out Gaza‘s first organ transplants as a pilot for a long-term plan to train local medical staff to perform the operations.

Two patients underwent kidney transplants at the Shifa, Gaza’s biggest public hospital, which is beset by overcrowding, chronic power cuts and shortages of drugs and equipment. The operations were conducted a fortnight ago by a volunteer medical team from the Royal Liverpool hospital.

“I cannot express my happiness,” said Ziad Matouk, 42, who was born with one kidney and was diagnosed with renal failure several years ago. “I’m proud to have had one of the first transplant operations in Gaza. I want to hug and kiss all the doctors.”

Matouk, whose wife donated one of her kidneys, hopes to return to his job as a falafel vendor in Maghazi refugee camp, central Gaza, within six months. The couple had sought a transplant in Cairo, but were rejected as unsuitable at a state hospital and could not afford the fee at a private hospital. “We were desperate,” said Matouk.

The UK-Gaza link-up began about a year ago after Abdelkader Hammad, a doctor at the Royal Liverpool hospital, was contacted by an anaesthetist at the Shifa, who outlined the difficulties the Gaza hospital was facing with dialysis. The Shifa is forced to rely on generators because of daily power cuts; spare parts for its ageing dialysis machines have been difficult to import; and supplies of consumables, such as blood lines, filters and saline, are often scarce. Israel heavily restricted imports to Gaza between 2007 and 2010, and continues to control the flow of goods in and out of the Palestinian enclave.

About 500 patients, including 40 children, need dialysis two or three times a week, according to the Shifa.

After an exploratory trip last April, Hammad – whose family is Palestinian – and three colleagues from Liverpool arrived in Gaza via Egypt last month, bringing specialist equipment.

Two patients were selected for surgery. The first, Mohammed Duhair, 42, received a kidney donated by his younger brother in a six-hour operation. He was anxious about the surgery, but was reassured after talking to the British team. “I hope my life will now be normal,” said Duhair, himself a family doctor in Rafah.

Two days later, Matouk underwent a transplant after his wife, Nadia, 36, was found to be a good match. She said it was her “fate and destiny” to donate a kidney to her husband of 20 years.

The surgery was carried out by the British team, assisted by doctors and nurses from the Shifa. “We are very satisfied with the results,” said Sobhi Skaik, head of surgery at the Gaza hospital. “For the patients, it means that their lives are no longer dependent on machines. Both the surgeons and the patients’ families are very happy.”

Skaik hopes that Gaza medical teams will eventually carry out kidney transplants independently, and that other organ transplants may follow. The Shifa is working with the Gaza ministry of health on a plan to train its doctors, surgeons, nursing staff and laboratory technicians in transplant surgery at the Royal Liverpool.

“Funding is a problem,” said Hammad. “In the meantime we will go back as volunteers to Gaza for the next couple of years to do more transplants.” The Liverpool team’s next visit is scheduled for May.

For Hammad, the visit to Gaza had an emotional as well as professional dimension. His Palestinian family was originally from Jaffa, now part of Israel, but became refugees in the 1948 war. Hammad was born in Iraq and lived in Jordan before moving to the UK 25 years ago. His visit to Gaza last April was the first time he had stepped foot on Palestinian soil.

“There are many problems in Gaza – power cuts, shortages of medication. People there can’t make choices the same way that people can elsewhere,” he said. “It was emotional for me to be able to help the people in Gaza and make life a little bit better for them. I felt proud.”

(Source / 09.02.2013)

Syria’s foreign minister calls for ‘unconditional’ dialogue with opposition

Syrian Foreign Minister Omran al-Zo’bi called for political figures to participate in a national dialogue to end the country’s two-year conflict. (Photo courtesy Syrian TV)

Syrian Foreign Minister Omran al-Zo’bi called for political figures to participate in a national dialogue to end the country’s two-year conflict.

Syrian Foreign Minister Omran al-Zo’bi called for “unconditional” dialogue with the country’s opposition to end the two-year conflict.

Zo’bi urged opposition forces to participate in what he called a “national dialogue,” and said that a specialized committee will start communicating with all political forces and figures to facilitate the inception of a national dialogue.

However, the Local Coordination Commitees (LCC), the opposition group inside Syria, rejected the foreign minister’s call, saying that there can’t be any dialogue before the end of violence and bloodshed on ground.

The comments repeated an offer made by President Bashar al-Assad on Sunday to hold discussions with Syria’s opposition to end the conflict — but only with elements he deemed acceptable, not rebel-affiliated groups he termed killers and terrorists led by foreigners.

The main, internationally recognized opposition Syrian National Coalition, based out of Cairo, immediately dismissed President Assad’s offer, sticking to its pre-condition that the president step down before any talks could be considered.

And the tolerated domestic opposition group, the National Coordination Body for Democratic Change in Syria, also snubbed the offer.

Western nations described as essentially empty and detached from reality Assad’s speech outlining a plan to restore peace to Syria while defiantly making no compromises.

In other developments, Britain will host a two-day meeting starting on Wednesday, officials said, bringing together academics and the opposition to prepare for a hypothetical post-Assad Syria.

On Tuesday, at least 70 people were executed by the Syrian regime in the Northern Province Idlib, LCC reported.

Also in Idlib province, opposition fighters shot down a helicopter as it was headed towards the Taftanaz military airbase, which remains under siege by the jihadist Al-Nusra Front and Islamist Ahrar al-Sham groups, AFP reported the Observatory for Human Rights as saying.

Troops still have a stranglehold on Idlib city but most of the province, which borders key opposition backer Turkey, is in the hands of insurgents.

In eastern Syria, a civilian cargo plane was hit while landing at Deir Ezzor military airport as clashes raged nearby, the Observatory said.

Activists said they suspected it was carrying munitions for beleaguered troops defending the base.

The rebels now control large swathes of northern and eastern Syria and half of second city Aleppo, with the remaining isolated army outposts under rebel siege.

In other developments in the area, the Observatory said fighters from the Al-Nusra Front executed three captured soldiers in Deir Ezzor city, although it could not say when.

Overall, the Observatory said 37 people died nationwide on Tuesday.

The United Nations estimates more than 60,000 people have been killed since the revolt against President Assad’s rule erupted in March 2011.

(english.alarabiya.net / 08.01.2013)

The “Israeli” Apartheid Wall

Did you know:The “Israeli” Apartheid Wall is equal as high as 3 storey building (703 km long and 9 meters high) which confiscates a large portion of Palestinian land?!

And Did U Know That It Was Built In The WEST BANK To Prevent “Terrorists” and Bombs from GAZA?!!!!

“Israel” Used Hamas In West As An Excuse To Build The Wall In EAST!

(Facebook / 27.11.2012)

Emergency Appeal for the Children of Gaza

Dear friends,

As Israel pounds Gaza with hundreds of tons of munitions, placing its 1.7 million Palestinian residents within a single “boom” of their lives, the main victims continue to be the children who make up more than half the population.

Much like the nearly month-long assault on Gaza that began in December 2008 and killed 313 children and injured thousands more, the burden to ensure that these youngest victims get access to specialized medical care rests on international organizations like PCRF.

Our medical staff on the ground in Gaza are reporting that Gaza’s hospitals are overwhelmed with casualties and injuries, and they face critical shortages of drugs and medical supplies – especially medical disposables.

We need your URGENT ACTION to help them.

Please make a donation to PCRF now, to immediately

(www.pcrf.net / 25.11.2012)

Official: Party conference in 2013 to reboot Fatah

BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — President Mahmoud Abbas’ Fatah party will hold a general conference in the first half of 2013 in order to revitalize the movement, a senior official said Sunday.

Fatah is reeling from Israel’s eight-day war on Gaza, which was seen locally as victory for Hamas and other factions using armed resistance in Gaza.

On Thursday, Abbas will submit his bid for UN recognition of Palestine as a non-member state at the General Assembly, the signature move in his non-violent campaign for statehood.

Fatah central committee member Abbas Zaki said that after the bid, it was time for Fatah to evaluate its situation and invigorate its political program.

Many Palestinians criticize the leadership for staying engaged in diplomacy for two decades with little to show for it.

Echoing these concerns, Zaki said the party is not like it was, as it got stuck in peace talks with Israel, but can be as strong as it once was.

He vowed that no threats would deter Abbas to call off the UN bid. He said US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had convinced Israeli authorities not to punish Abbas for the measure.

Israeli officials have threatened various punitive actions, including withdrawing Palestinian tax revenues, supporting more settlement building, and canceling past agreements.

Zaki said the planned exhumation of late Fatah leader and president Yasser Arafat on Tuesday will be painful for the movement, because Arafat had asked only to open his grave in order to be buried in Jerusalem, which is annexed by Israel.

Nevertheless, Zaki noted that the French murder inquiry was a chance to uncover the circumstances of Arafat’s death.

It is widely believed in Palestine that Israel was involved in his sudden illness in 2004, and no autopsy was ever conducted. “Israel will not escape responsibility for the assassination of Arafat,” Zaki said.

 

(www.maannews.net / 25.11.2012)

Brotherhood’s Shura Council chairman criticises Morsi declaration

Chairman of Egypt’s Shura Council – and member of Brotherhood’s FJP – takes all by surprise by voicing opposition to President Morsi’s divisive constitutional declaration
 
Ahmed Fahmy
MP Ahmed Fahmy

Ahmed Fahmi, chairman of the Islamist-dominated Shura Council (the upper, consultative house of Egypt’s parliament), seized on Thursday’s council session to criticise the constitutional declaration issued by President Mohamed Morsi on 22 November.

“We had hopes that President Morsi would put the constitutional declaration before a national referendum,” Fahmi said. He also argued that the declaration “has severely divided the nation into Islamists and civilians.” Fahmi urged Morsi to conduct a national dialogue with all forces to put an end to the crisis triggered by the declaration.

Fahmi’s comments came as a surprise to many, given that not only is the chairman of the Shura Council a leading member of the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) – the political arm of  Muslim Brotherhood from which Morsi hails – but he is also a relative of Morsi himself.

In its brief debate over Morsi’s declaration, the council itself was divided into supporters and opponents. Islamists, led by FJP and the ultraconservative Salafist Nour Party, hailed Morsi’s declaration.

Tarek El-Sehari, a Salafist and the deputy Shura Council chairman, said the declaration “is a necessity, with a view to the fact that the Mubarak-appointed judges and prosecutors failed to refer the diehards of the former regime to trial or put a stop to their attempts to dissolve the Shura Council and the constitution-drafting assembly, and have indulged in thuggery and hooliganism under the banner of commemorating the revolution.”

“These criminals can never be branded as ‘revolutionary forces’ and should rather be sent to trial as required by the constitutional declaration,” said El-Sehary. “Everyone has the right to criticise the president, but nobody – especially those who failed to secure seats in the last parliamentary elections – has the right to attack public property or incite violence.”

El-Sehary sharply directed attacks against those who “resorted to insults” when criticising  Morsi’s declaration. He argued that the building of a new Egypt should not come at the expense of putting obstacles in the way of a democratically-elected president.

Ezzeddin El-Qomi, a leading FJP official, opened fire on the independent Judges’ Club, arguing that it “is only a social club, which should be concerned with achieving the personal needs of its members rather than becoming a political forum for judges.”

The Judges’ Union announced yesterday that courts would organise a strike to protest Morsi’s declaration.

According to El-Qomi, Morsi’s declaration is aimed at thwarting internal and international conspiracies to destabilize Egypt. “This declaration is a necessity, but it came too late because some judicial authorities are doing their best to dissolve all elected institutions – especially parliament,” he said.

Tarek Mostafa, another FJP member, said the constitutional declaration “simply aims to ensure stability for a temporary period of time until a new parliament is elected.” He sharply attacked ”those who launched terrorist attacks and  torched the headquarters of the FJP in several cities across Egypt.”

Saad Emara, another FJP member, fired a barrage of attacks against the European Union and the US, “which rushed to criticise the declaration” and “the bad coverage by private television satellite channels.” He added: “This demonstrates that our enemies are doing their best to meddle in our own affairs and cause instability.”

For their part, representatives of liberal parties agreed that President Morsi made a big mistake by issuing his 22 November constitutional declaration.

Mostafa Hammouda, the representative of the Wafd party, said: “Morsi’s declaration has left the nation more divided than before.” “The fact that Morsi is a democratically-elected president does not mean that he acts like a pharaoh and puts himself above state institutions, especially the judiciary,” he said.

Nagi El-Shehabi, another civilian and chairman of the Geel (Generation) Party, argued that “not only Morsi broke the constitutional oath, but he also divided the nation. Instead of making a dialogue with all political forces, Morsi opted to resort to  the pharaohnic style of dictating policies on the nation.”

Ihab El-Kharat, a member of the Egyptian Socialist Democratic Party, wondered that “Morsi’s declaration would open the door for revolutionary trials under the guise of punishing those guilty of killing rebels.” He added: “I do not know how these trials will be conducted and what guarantees of fair trial will be provided to defendants.” He warned: “Some revolutionary trials in some countries turned out to be tools against innocent people and committed crimes against humanity.”

El-Kharat argued that Morsi was not authorised to issue his 22 November declaration. “He does not have the authority to fire the prosecutor-general or appoint a new one instead of him, not to mention that the declaration is a strike against the independence of the judiciary,” said El-Kharat. He concluded that “Morsi, by concentrating all powers in his hands, will never be able to achieve any of the revolution’s goals.” He expressed fears that “the declaration will be used to detain critics of Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood group rather than safeguard the revolution against its enemies.”

(english.ahram.org.eg / 25.11.2012)

Israeli forces detain Hamas lawmaker in Nablus

NABLUS (Ma’an) – Israeli forces detained a Hamas-affiliated Palestinian lawmaker early Saturday after ransacking his home in Nablus in the northern West Bank, locals said.

Military vehicles raided the western part of Nablus before ransacking home of 46-year-old Yasser Mansour and detaining him. Mansour is a member of the inactive Palestinian Legislative Council, representing Hamas.

Israeli forces started a detention campaign against Hamas and Islamic Jihad in the West Bank right after the military offensive against the Hamas-run Gaza Strip during which an Israeli bus was bombed.

On Friday Israeli forces detained at least five members of the Palestinian parliament in the West Bank who are affiliated to Hamas, among 28 Palestinians detained in raids.

In Ramallah, soldiers detained the secretary-general of the Palestinian Legislative Council Mahmoud al-Ramahi.

MP Basem Zairir was detained in Samua, south of Hebron, along with other leaders in the Change and Reform party, which is affiliated to Hamas, Nidal Oref Zairi and Jamal Yusuf Musa Abu Jaydal.

In Tulkarem, forces detained two lawmakers, Fathi Qarawi and Riyad Radid. Another MP, Emad Nofal, was seized in Qalqiliya.

A prominent Hamas figure was also detained in Bethlehem, 50-year-old Mustafa Issa Musa al-Aruj.

Prisoners rights group Addameer said on Thursday it had documented more than 200 detentions by Israel in the West Bank since the bombardment of Gaza started, including scores at protests against the war.

In one case, Addameer said, a man had been knocked unconscious, and was still detained by forces.

“The arbitrary arrests of Palestinian youth is unacceptable … We demand the immediate release of these prisoners of conscience, and an end to this practice,” Addameer said.

(www.maannews.net / 24.11.2012)

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