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Egypt’s Mursi takes revolution to palace

Egypt’s President-elect Muhammad Mursi speaks during his first televised address to the nation in Cairo on June 24.
CAIRO (Reuters) — Muhammad Mursi, Egypt’s first freely elected president whose powers have already been curbed by the army, began work on a coalition on Monday after touring his new palace, once home of Hosni Mubarak who banned his movement for three decades.

Declared winner on Sunday a week after a tumultuous run-off vote that pitted him against a former air force chief, the Islamist faces the challenge of meeting sky-high expectations in a nation tired of turmoil while the economy is on the ropes.

But his campaign pledge to complete the revolution that toppled Mubarak last year but left the pillars of his rule intact will come up against the entrenched interests of the generals who are in charge of the transition to democracy.

Shortly before the historic presidential vote, a newly elected Islamist-led parliament was dissolved by the army based on a court order, and the generals issued a decree setting limits on the president’s remit, which cuts into Mursi’s powers to act but exposes him to blame for any failures.

Critics at home and in the West called it a “soft coup”.

One pressing concern – on which many Egyptians are likely to judge his performance – will to be to revive the economy of the world’s most populous Arab nation.

Monday’s stock market rally, at least partly fueled by relief that the vote and result passed off without violence, may encourage the new president, but he still has to prove to wary longer-term investors that Egypt is on the road to recovery.

Egyptian newspapers welcomed Mursi’s win over Ahmed Shafik, Mubarak’s last prime minister, as a victory for the people, although many more liberal-minded Egyptians worry his conservative group will slowly whittle away at social freedoms.

Further afield, his win has had an immediate impact beyond Egypt’s borders, inspiring Islamists who have risen up against autocrats across the Middle East and swept to power in North Africa. Israel worries its 1979 peace deal with Egypt, never warm, will cool further.

Palestinians in Gaza, however, are delighted.

Iran saw his election as an “Islamic awakening” – though Tehran and the Muslim Brotherhood follow different, often opposing forms of the faith. Iran’s Fars news agency published an interview in which Mursi called for restoring full ties between Cairo and Tehran to build strategic “balance”. A Mursi aide said he gave the interview 10 days ago.

Dramatic reversal of fortunes

A security official said Mursi, 60, and his wife took a tour of their new home, once Mubarak’s main residence – a dramatic change of fortunes full of symbolism for a former political prisoner whose group was pursued remorselessly during Mubarak’s 30-year rule.

An aide said Mursi then went to the Defense Ministry for talks with the head of the ruling military council’s Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi and the army-appointed Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri. They discussed forming a new government at the meetings, which Egyptians will see as a sign that real power still lies with the army.

As president, Mursi can appoint the cabinet. His aides say he has already reached out to politicians from outside the Brotherhood such as reformist Mohamed El-Baradei, who has yet to publicly respond. But legislative powers remain with the army while the parliament is dissolved, restricting his power to act.

Egypt’s army-appointed government, led by al-Ganzouri who also served in the 1990s as prime minister under Mubarak, submitted its resignation on Monday but was asked to stay on temporarily until Mursi, who has yet to take the oath of office, put a team together, Information Minister Ahmed Anis said

“The revolution reaches the republican palace,” wrote Al-Shorouk newspaper. Another, Al-Akhbar, quoted from Mursi’s victory speech: “I am a servant of the people and an employee of the citizens”.

It is a sentiment widely spoken: the sense that at last, perhaps, Egyptians have a leader who can be “fired”.

Celebrations in Cairo’s Tahrir Square — theater of the revolution that overthrew Mubarak — extended through the night. Some Brotherhood followers were still celebrating, surprised by their victory that broke a six-decade tradition of presidents plucked from the military.

‘Strength to negotiate’

“It was a little surprising that the army acknowledged his win,” said 40-year-old teacher Adel Mohamed who was in the square when the result was declared after a nervous week’s wait since the vote. “The pressure from the street, from the revolution, will give Mursi strength to negotiate.”

From Syria’s opposition who are seeking the downfall of President Bashar Assad came word that Cairo was again a “source of hope” for a people “facing a repressive war of annihilation”.

But millions of Egyptians, and the Western powers, looked on with unease at the prospect of the long-suppressed Brotherhood making good on its dream of an Islamic state.

Israel has been particularly nervous, urging its neighbor to respect their peace deal. It worries that the Brotherhood’s win will embolden Hamas.

“Darkness in Egypt,” headlined Israeli paper Yedioth Ahronoth. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he “respected” the result and said he saw future cooperation with the new administration.

An aide to Mursi said during Mursi’s campaign that he would delegate meetings with Israeli officials to his foreign minister, unlike Mubarak who often met top Israelis. Mubarak went to Israel only once, for the funeral of assassinated Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.

“Mursi’s victory is most likely to strengthen the hand of Hamas in its fight against Israel because it will give it a moral boost,” said political scientist Mustapha al-Sayyed.

But the army, determined not to see its $1.3 billion in U.S. military aid a year jeopardized, will probably ensure ties are not undermined even if the relationship sours, diplomats say.

Pledging to uphold international treaties, in a gesture to Israel, Mursi said in his first televised address as president-elect that he would work with others to see the democratic revolution through.

“There is no room now for the language of confrontation,” he said, a message addressed not just to the army but to the young, urban revolutionaries who launched last year’s uprising only to see the Brotherhood dominate the political scene afterward.

One of the most influential revolutionary youth groups greeted Mursi’s win as a victory for last year’s uprising.

“We have defeated the candidate of Mubarak’s military state, the candidate of the corrupt ‘deep state’ that we are fed up with,” said the April 6 Youth movement.

“Starting today we will work as one body for Egypt.”

Compromising with the military

Western powers congratulated Mursi, who received a phone call from US President Barack Obama, offering help.

The White House said in a statement: “The president underscored that the United States will continue to support Egypt’s transition to democracy and stand by the Egyptian people as they fulfill the promise of their revolution.”

Mursi may have little choice but to compromise with the army, and Brotherhood sources said a package of agreements discussed with generals last week could soon be announced.

The Brotherhood’s political gains, first winning the biggest bloc in parliament and then running for president, had rattled the military. With the help of a Mubarak-era judiciary, the military council dissolved parliament on the eve of the presidential vote, then gave itself the legislative power.

Senior Brotherhood officials say they have been negotiating in the past week to change some of that, though both sides deny any haggling over the result of the presidential vote itself.

“President Mursi and his team have been in talks with the military council to bring back the democratically elected parliament and other issues,” Essam Haddad, a senior Brotherhood official, told Reuters on Monday.

Brotherhood sources told Reuters they hoped the army might allow a partial recall of parliament and other concessions in return for Mursi exercising his powers to name a government and presidential administration in ways the army approves of – notably by extending appointments across the political spectrum.

Military officials have confirmed discussions in the past few days but had no immediate comment on the latest talks.

Brotherhood officials have said they will press on with street protests to pressure the army but this, along with a number of other contentious issues including to whom and where Mursi swears his oath of office, could be settled soon.

The army wants Mursi sworn in on June 30, meeting a deadline it set itself for handing over Egypt to “civilian rule” — although the military’s influence will go on long beyond that.

(www.maannews.net / 25.06.2012)

Israeli forces ‘demolish tents in Tubas’

TUBAS (Ma’an) — Israeli forces on Monday demolished Palestinian tents and structures in al-Malih near Tubas, the local council said.

The structures belonged to local farmers Ayed Zawahreh, Maryam Faqir, Ibrahim Abu Sabha and Ali al-Faqir, the council said in a statement, adding that women and children were left without shelter in the heat.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces evacuated families in the Ein al-Hilwe and al-Burj neighborhoods of al-Malih for several hours while they conducted military training in the area, the council said.

(www.maannews.net / 25.06.2012)

Lebanon’s Palestinians face worst conditions in region

BEIRUT: The living conditions of Palestinians in Lebanon’s camps are the worst in the region, an international nongovernmental organization working in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon and Jordan said Wednesday.

“The Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon are considered the worst of the region’s refugee camps in terms of poverty, health, education and living conditions,” said the American Near East Refugee Aid (ANERA) in a report released on World Refugee Day.

ANERA cites discrimination, isolation, poverty, joblessness, poor housing and a lack of infrastructure as the main problems affecting Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.

“Lebanon has the highest percentage of Palestinian refugees living in extreme poverty. Two out of three Palestinian refugees subsist on less than $6 a day,” the report said.

More than 450,000 Palestinians are registered in Lebanon with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees, though the actual number is estimated at between 260,000 and 280,000, ANERA said.

Most Palestinians live in the country’s 12 official refugee camps, in squalid conditions.

“Palestinian refugees in Lebanon do not enjoy several basic human rights, for example, they do not have the right to work in as many as 20 professions,” UNRWA adds, noting that most refugees rely on U.N. assistance for survival.

ANERA’s report was released days after three Palestinians were killed in separate clashes with the Lebanese Army – two in Nahr al-Bared camp in North Lebanon, and one in Ain al-Hilweh near the city of Sidon.

“Palestinians in Lebanon are treated like a security problem, not as human beings with rights,” a Nahr al-Bared camp resident told AFP.

“We thank Lebanon for hosting us through all these years, but I don’t understand why we need to be deprived of all our rights,” said 43-year-old Ziad Shtewi.

(www.dailystar.com.lb / 25.06.2012)

Outrage as Israel breaks prisoner agreement

A girl holds a portrait of a Palestinian held in an Israeli jail during celebrations after a deal to end a prisoners hunger strike was agreed, in Ramallah on May 14.
BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Prisoner rights group Addameer on Thursday said it was outraged by Israel’s decision to renew the administrative detention of a former hunger striker.

Hassan Safadi ended a 71-day hunger strike on May 14 after Israel promised not to renew his detention without charge or trial.

Israel’s decision to renew Safadi’s administrative detention by six months “is a blatant violation of the agreement between the prisoners’ hunger strike committee and Israeli officials,” Addameer said.

Safadi went on hunger strike on March 5 in protest against his detention without charge. Thousands more joined the protest which ended on May 14 in a deal between prisoners and Israeli officials.

Addameer expressed concern that the extension of Safadi’s sentence may indicate that further breaches of the agreement will follow.

“(T)here is now no guarantee that any of the long-term hunger strikers will be released upon their given dates.”

Under the May 14 deal, prisoners representatives secured clear commitments from Israel that five administrative detainees on long-term hunger strike, including Safadi, would be released at the end of their term, Palestinian Prisoner Society head Qadura Fares said at the time.

Israel committed not to renew the administrative detention of over 300 Palestinians held without charge if there was no new information requiring their imprisonment, Fares added.

Israel also agreed to “facilitate” prisoners’ demands to end solitary confinement and allow family visits for prisoners from Gaza.

Addameer noted that detainee Dirar Abu Sisi is still in solitary confinement, and another prisoner was moved into isolation last week.

Meanwhile, there has been no change in Israel’s administrative detention policy and prisoners from Gaza have still not been allowed family visits.

(www.maannews.net / 25.06.2012)

De Islam en het christendom lijken in veel opzichten hetzelfde. Wat zijn de fundamentele verschillen?

De islam en het christendom zijn hetzelfde wat betreft de zedelijke moraal. Beide accepteren God, openbaring, profeten, engelen en wederopstanding. De moslims vereren en accepteren ook Jezus (vzmh). Voor moslims zijn deze overeenkomsten zeer vanzelfsprekend en in feite noodzakelijk, omdat moslims geloven dat de God Die Jezus (vzmh) heeft gezonden om de mensheid te leiden, op een later tijdstip Profeet Mohammed (vzmh), met dezelfde missie heeft gezonden.

Desondanks, zijn er ook belangrijke verschillen. Moslims geloven dat een van de redenen dat Mohammed (vzmh) als profeet gezonden werd, was om bepaalde aspecten van het Christelijke geloof, waarover Christelijke geleerden en geestelijken het niet volledig eens waren, te corrigeren.

Essentiële verschillen tussen moslims en christenen zijn:

1. Het concept van God. Het idee dat God een zoon heeft, is in tegenspraak met het islamitische geloof. Volgens de Islam “verwekt God niet, noch is Hij(zelf) verwekt.”

2. De drie-eenheid wordt niet geaccepteerd door de Islam. Volgens de Islam bezit alleen God goddelijkheid. Zowel Jezus (vzmh) als de Heilige Geest zijn geschapen wezens zonder enige goddelijkheid.

3. Goddelijkheid van Jezus (vzmh). De Islam kent niemand anders dan God goddelijkheid toe. Jezus (vzmh) wordt in de Qur’an beschreven als “het woord van God en een geest van Hem.” De geboorte van Jezus (vzmh) even wonderlijk als de schepping van Adam (vzmh).

4. Erfzonde. De islam verkondigt dat Adam (vzmh) oprecht berouw getoond heeft voor zijn fout en God hem uiteindelijk vergeven heeft. Volgens de islam draagt niemand de zonden van een ander. Iedereen wordt vrij van zonden geboren, maar met het vermogen om te zondigen.

5. Redding. Volgens de islam kan men door middel van geloof en goede daden, onder de leiding en met de genade van God, gered worden. “De mens is vrijwel zeker verloren. Behalve degenen die geloven en goed doen, en elkaar waarheid en geduld opleggen” (103:2-3).

(www.vraagislam.nl / 25.06.2012)

NEWS ON MAHMOUD SARSAK

(Translation Rami Zan)

Gaza / Muhamad AlMasri (facekoora) 20/6/2012 – Days after the announcement of Palestinian National Football player detained in Israeli jails that he will stop his 96 days hunger strike in a deal that will set him free July 10 2012, Sarsak was able to phone his family for the first time since he began his hunger strike.

Imad Sarsak, brother of Mahmoud, said that the Israeli prison authority has allowed Mahmoud to call his parents for 4 minutes, which Mahmoud used to inform his parents that he is fine and feeling better, and assure to them that the strange virus infection that was talked about in the news lately is not that dangerous.

Sarsak’s doctors have linked his infection with his lack of immunity as a result of the long hunger strike he underwent, but he feels much better lately after going through intensive medical examinations, and within hours he started walking on his own feet.

Sarsak was transferred to Al Ramla prison hospital just days after signing his deal with the authorities.

The details of the deal are still disclosed, and Sarsak refused to sign any other documents/pledges but the deal itself.

(Facebook / 25.06.2012)

Jordan Valley: Palestinian family’s water confiscated, internationals arrested

On Thursday, June 21, Israeli forces confiscated a water tank from a Bedouin Palestinian family in the Jordan Valley, leaving them with no access to water. Three Swedish women were arrested for standing in solidarity with Palestinian women and children who peacefully protested by standing in between the Israeli military and the water tank at risk of theft.

Israeli soldiers deal violently with a Palestinian woman peacefully protesting the theft of her water tank

The Jordan valley is a fertile are ideal for agricultural production. When Israel took control of the West Bank, it immediately took hold of water resources and began to target Palestinian communities and empty them from the Jordan Valley. The villages left are isolated from each other not only by distance but by Israeli checkpoints, closed military zones, and other restrictions on movement. The Israeli military performs military training in proximity to many communities, putting them at constant risk.

The illegal occupation of water resources has made water access an urgent problem. The United Nations declares water a basic human right. The World Health Organization has declared that each individual need access to 100 litres of water per day,  but Palestinians use on average between 50 to 70 litres per day. Many Palestinians in the Jordan Valley however, receive as little as 10-20 litres per day. This is a figure lower than both the recommended daily intake and the absolute minimum daily consumption required to avoid ‘mass health epidemics.’ Families in the Jordan Valley are forced to buy water at incredibly inflated prices. Some households spend 40-50% of their income to buy water from Israeli companies.

“When we came to the Bedouin camp, children were crying and there were a lot of soldiers trying to drag them away from the tractor that they tried to block. There were no men, only women and children, and around 60 soldiers and policemen. The Bedouin men were scared to show any resistance because of the risk of administrative detention,” says Rosa Andersson, one of the women who was later arrested.

The Swedish women were released after 30 hours of arrest and they are now prohibited from being in the West Bank. No one, Palestinian or International, showed any violence. The Palestinian family dependent on the confiscated water tank now has no access to water as the driest season of the year has just begun.

(palsolidarity.org / 25.06.2012)

Ask @IDFSpokesperson why did the Israeli military killed 13-year-old Ma’moun al-Dam

Blood-stained pieces of Ma’moun’s clothes were splayed across the olive grove

Shreds of black and blue cloth stained in red lay scattered across an olive grove on the outskirts of Gaza City.
The remains of 13-year-old Ma’moun al-Dam’s t-shirt lay hooked into an olive bush and his sandals flung five meters away from where he was killed.

Nobody is talking about what happened at 2.30pm on Wednesday afternoon, and the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), as usual, are not being questioned bout their actions.


An untouched picnic and bloodstained cushion.

Ma’moun was killed by a bomb dropped by the IDF while he was having a picnic with his parents
 in a garden in the area between Zeitoun and Tal Elhawwa neighbourhoods.

One of Ma’moun’s neighbors- a man in his 20s who didn’t want to be identified- recalled the events, “I heard a scream and came to the olive grove. I could see black smoke. I froze when I arrived- I couldn’t do anything for five minutes. I saw a young mother screaming over her son’s body.”


A pock marked fence thrown back by the force of the blast.

Pellet-sized holes damaged both Ma’moun’s body and the surrounding area.

The hole where the bomb fell was shallow, and Ma’moun was around a meter and a half away when it landed. His right arm was cooked to a crisp and his body riddled with small holes. His clothes were burnt and lay in shreds in the bushes, sprawled across the olive grove and into neighboring land. The force of the bomb sent the nearby metal fence flying two meters. The metal is riddled with tiny pea-sized holes. Ma’moun’s neighbors believe that the bomb held metal pellets, which exploded in a cluster, causing his torso to be dotted with waves of small wounds.
Ma’moun’s school tests and notes were scattered around the picnic site, out of reach of the explosion, which melted the olive grove’s plastic fence. The neighbor recalled, “Ma’moun always likes to write, he brings papers with him everywhere.”
The olive grove has barely been touched in 24 hours. The family’s picnic lies untouched on a plastic table. Next to the dried pickles are a mattress and cushion- both now stained in blood as Ma’moun’s mother moved her son into the shade, laying him in front of his father, who is blind and was injured in the head during the attack. Shrapnel hangs in the bushes and Ma’moun’s phone split into three pieces, intertwined in the brambles.

The neighbor explained that Ma’moun’s mother “put his body down in front of her husband and said to her husband, who cannot see, “Say mashallah; you have a martyr for a son.”

Ma’moun’s death is one of 16 since escalations began on Monday. The 13-year-old’s death has gone largely unreported and the IDF have made no official statement on his death, except by responding to tweets asking for an explanation with a deflection. :

 

Neighbors have said that no missiles were launched from the area and if they had, the family would certainly have left their picnic, especially during an escalation.

No proof of a rocket launch has been offered by the IDF and nobody is asking questions about why a 13-year-old was killed.

Put pressure on the IDF to explain why they killed Ma’moun al-Dam.

Contact them here

Tweet the IDFSpokesperson


Muhammed al-Dam grieves over the body of his son, Ma’moun.

(occupiedpalestine.wordpress.com / 25.06.2012)

Analysis: Bound by conflict, the Syrian-Lebanon crisis

Jebel Mohsen is home to the Shia Alawi community, who are skeptical of the army’s ability to ensure their security

TRIPOLI, LEBANON, 25 June 2012 (IRIN) – For more than a generation, the northern Lebanese town of Tripoli has been a divided city, home to most of Lebanon’s Shia Alawi community, but also a stronghold of Sunni conservatism.

The two sects, in their respective neighbourhoods of Jebel Mohsen and Bab al-Tabbaneh, have been at odds since the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, with hundreds dying in the worst bloodshed in 1986. The road separating the two entrenched factions – appropriately called Syria Street – is the only demarcation line that still exists in Lebanon 22 years after the war ended.

In recent months, the outbreak of conflict in Syria and the influx of thousands of Syrian refugees into Lebanon has renewed and increased those tensions between Shia Alawis generally supportive of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Sunni sympathizers of the rebel Free Syrian Army (FSA) and the opposition.

More than 30 Lebanese from both sides have been killed in fighting between the two communities since the beginning of the Syrian uprising in March 2011. While a fragile ceasefire in Tripoli – agreed in early June – seems to be generally holding, sporadic clashes happen on a daily basis and it is common to see civilians carrying weapons.

While there are clear risks of Lebanon being caught up in the Syrian conflict, the reverse is also true: Syrian antagonists are equally in danger of being dragged into age-old Lebanese sectarianism.

The Syrian conflict has already killed at least 10,000, according to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, and displaced as many as 500,000 people inside the country, according to the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, and another 86,000 are registered refugees in neighbouring countries. Basic services are not running properly, and the economy has been hard hit, not only by the conflict, but by far-reaching economic sanctions, pushing up unemployment and the price of food. Lebanon, which has already suffered decades of war, is rife with poverty and political instability. Both countries have much to lose.

Socio-economic factors and politics

Sectarianism and political antagonism in Tripoli have already had very real consequences for ordinary people on both sides.

Mahmud, a local vendor in the alleyways of Tripoli’s market, points to the Alawi-owned shop next door, recently set on fire.

“The owner of this burnt shop paid the price of feuds between rogues,” he explains.

“If these unbelievers want Bashar al-Assad, they can go to Syria,” bursts out Omar, a long-bearded youngster, when asked about the shop. The risks for civilians here are large, with some Sunnis openly admitting that Alawi civilians could be further targeted.

“Now they don’t dare to leave their mountain, we would beat them again,” boasts Faysal, a talkative shopkeeper in Tripoli’s market, who praises his cousin fighting in Bab al-Tabbaneh. “Those Alawis who are still in the city centre are Syrian workers, not Lebanese,” he continues. “No one would harm them. But in case of a civil war, they will be killed, because wars know no ethical rules.”

If history is anything to go by, those made destitute by the clashes are more likely to be dragged into violence. As the International Crisis Group put it in a briefing in October 2010, for many Sunni youngsters in Bab-Tebbaneh, joining one of the many Islamist groups which have spread relatively freely since Syria’s military withdrawal provides an attractive alternative to idleness and social failure.”

Lebanese politicians have been accused of exploiting the frustration of these poor neighbourhoods, supplying them with weapons.

''The first interest of the Syrian regime is distracting the attention of the media from what’s going on in Syria. Secondly, Bashar wants to pressure the international community by saying he’s capable of causing a civil war in Lebanon''

“External actors transferred their conflicts there [in Tripoli], backing local fighters in a struggle that was less costly, and more easily managed, than would be open warfare in the capital…, just as… local fighters use their struggles… to attract important outside support,” the 2010 Crisis Group briefing said.

Distrust in Lebanese army, intelligence

An enormous banner hanging in one of Tripoli’s main squares, al-Tell, reads: “In defence of the security and stability of Tripoli”. The whole city is plastered with these kinds of slogans. But behind the confident veneer, some residents are skeptical of the army’s ability to maintain the peace.

From behind a small stand on a street corner, a coffee vendor named Khaled says he doesn’t have much faith in the military.

“What do you want them to do? They stand aside!” he says laughing.

Weapons and Koranic commentaries pack the living room in the flat of Sheikh Bilal al-Masri, a Sunni leader fighting on Bab al-Tabbaneh’s front line. He says the army – which usually limits itself to standing between both sides – started doing its job when, on one occasion recently, it responded to gunfire coming from Alawi-majority Jebel Mohsen. But he stresses that the military remains divided by political rivalries.

Residents of Jebel Mohsen are also skeptical of the army’s ability to ensure their security.

“To us, [weapons] are more important than food,” Rifa’at ‘Eid, head of the pro-Assad Arab Democratic Party (ADP), told the Lebanese daily Al-Akhbar. “We have confidence in the army, but it cannot ensure our safety under certain conditions.”

The Lebanese army is generally considered a “spectator” in armed clashes, because party militias such as Hezbollah are much better equipped, and because Lebanese politics are so divided. Prime Minister Najib Mikati’s current government, as well as the Military Intelligence (mukhabarat al-jaysh) and the General Security (al-amn al-‘aam) are believed to be aligned with Damascus, whereas the Internal Security Forces (quwwat al-amn al-dakhili) and its Information Branch (far’ al-ma’lumat) are closer to the opposition Saudi-backed 14 March coalition, analysts say.

Syrian opposition and Lebanese Sunnis: between sympathy and military alliance

In Tripoli’s government hospital, the tension is palpable. A nurse at the hospital showed IRIN bullet holes on the wall of one of the rooms overlooking Jebel Mohsen, suggesting the targets were the Sunni Syrian patients. The latter do not dare poke their heads out the window, for fear of being shot. The 50 Syrians in the hospital claim to be civilians, but the line between the armed opposition and the peace demonstrators is increasingly blurred.

Still, Tripoli remains one of the safest destinations in Lebanon for mostly Sunni Syrian refugees, due to the Sunni support for the uprising; and Lebanon has been a transit route for relief supplies into Syria. But analysts are increasingly questioning whether the ties between Lebanese and Syrian Sunnis go beyond mutual sympathy to military cooperation.

Burnt shop in Tripoli. The Lebanese economy has been hit hard by conflict

Samir*, a 23-old Syrian from Homs, now a member of a Syrian grouping of humanitarian and civil society organizations in Lebanon called Watan (Homeland), says there are clear boundaries to his involvement in the Bab al-Tabbaneh-Jebel Mohsen clashes: “If a Lebanese civil war breaks out, we will leave. We’re not here to export our revolution. We need Lebanon as a basis for our activities.”

Walid*, 27, who works for another humanitarian group, the Coordination Committees for Syrian Refugees’ Affairs in Lebanon, holds different views on the relations between Syrians and Bab al-Tabbaneh: “I wanted to volunteer as a fighter in Bab al-Tabbaneh, but they rejected me.

“I wanted to do it, because the Alawis from Jebel Mohsen were involved in killing demonstrators in my city, Homs,” explains Walid. “They came to support Alawis in Homs and slaughtered our people.”

Al-Masri, the Sunni leader, confirmed having turned away Syrian volunteers. But he says the links between pro-Syrian government forces on both sides of the border are stronger. He says Lebanese Alawis are supplied with weapons and supported on the ground by Syrian and Hezbollah officers.

Pro-Syria media give a different view of the situation, with an article in pro-Hezbollah Lebanese daily Al-Akhbar accusing Riyadh al-Asaad, commander of the rebel Free Syrian Army, of visiting Tripoli to survey the territory, looking for an “ideal buffer zone”.

Al-Masri denies both the existence of a 300-man Lebanese-Sunni unit within the FSA in Syria (as recently reported by Nicholas Blanford, Middle East analyst and author) and the presence of FSA camps in Lebanon. “We sent our men to Syria and they were rejected. They told us: ‘We don’t need you, but give us weapons, if it’s possible’.” He does admit to smuggling weapons and food to the FSA across the Lebanese border, by bribing Syrian officials.

Both the FSA and the pro-Syrian alignment led by Hezbollah have their reasons to deny having trespassed national borders. The first fears being blamed for igniting the existing tensions within Lebanon; the latter wants to prevent a new explosion of Sunni resentment. In a nutshell, no one wants to be blamed for a new Lebanese civil war.

But in the absence of a quick settlement with Jebel Mohsen, tensions in both countries are becoming increasingly intertwined, with analysts predicting that Lebanese Sunnis will eventually make use of their brethren across the border to fight their domestic enemies, namely Hezbollah. Already, tit-for-tat kidnappings have blurred the lines between the two conflicts, with Syrian Sunnis involved in kidnapping Lebanese Shias; Syrian officers involved in kidnapping Lebanese Sunnis; and Lebanese Sunnis involved in kidnapping Lebanese Alawis.

Who benefits from the clashes?

Analysts say both sides in Lebanon have something to gain from the clashes.

The anti-Syrian Future Movement (FM), headed by the former Lebanese Prime Minister Sa’ad al-Hariri, forced out of office in January 2011, has used the clashes as an opportunity to call for the current Prime Minister’s resignation, arguing he has not been able to ensure Tripoli’s security.

But in the eyes of Bab al-Tabbaneh’s fighters, as well as many analysts, the Syrian government has more to gain.

“The first interest of the Syrian regime is distracting the attention of the media from what’s going on in Syria,” al-Masri says. “Secondly, Bashar wants to pressure the international community by saying he’s capable of causing a civil war in Lebanon.”

Both Bab al-Tabbaneh’s fighters and ADP’s spokespersons told the Lebanese newspaper The Daily Star that Hezbollah is supplying weapons to both Alawis and Sunnis in Tripoli, suggesting that the goal is to destabilize Lebanon – regardless of the victor – in order to draw attention away from the situation in Syria.

(www.irinnews.org / 25.06.2012)

Letter From a Camp Resident: The Reality of Nahr al-Bared

Graffiti that reads in Arabic “Smile, we returned to you Nahr al-Bared” is seen as construction labourers renovate a building in the Palestinian refugee camp of Nahr al-Bared on the outskirts of the Lebanese northern city of Tripoli on 30 May 2011.

Considering the misinformation and blackout in much of the media, and since the events were presented solely from the perspective of the main perpetrator in the crime of killing the innocent in Palestinian camps recently, I would like to state the following facts for those who are searching for the truth about what happened, and what is still happening, in the Nahr al-Bared Camp:

1. There have not been weapons in the Nahr al-Bared Camp since 2007, and it has been under military siege since then. The siege is so intense that no one can enter the camp – or leave it – except through the Lebanese Army. All the talk of confrontations proving the presence of weapons used by the Palestinians against the Army are lies, defamations designed to plant hatred in the hearts of our Lebanese brothers.

2. No Palestinian is allowed to enter the camp, even if he or she lives there, without securing permission from the Army. None of their relatives can visit them at the Camp without permission from the Army. This is because the Camp, since 2007, has been a militarized area, so military rules and regulations are applied there. Any Lebanese person, however, can enter the camp by simply presenting their personal identity card, even if they do not live in the Camp or even in Lebanon. Even the old cemetery [in the camp] is under military control, and entering it is only allowed on religious holidays and, even then, only with permission from the Army.

3. The Lebanese Army can only open fire with the permission of a political decision, no matter against whom, as is the case in Jabal Mohsen and Bab al-Tabbaneh, even when the Army are under attack. We all saw how the Army stood by watching in Tariq al-Jdideh during the recent events. Yet, the Army needs no such political decision to open fire on Palestinians. The reason is quite simple: the Palestinians have no one defending them, even if only with words.

4. Let no one be convinced that merely throwing stones at the Army or shouting insults at the soldiers can justify their opening fire on a group of youths, the majority of whom were under the age of 20. And for those who do not know, the youth that was killed on June 15 in the Camp was only 16 years of age, and he was killed by a direct shot to the head. (He was just standing on a street corner in the Camp.) Another youth also died from similar injuries. And the other youth, who died in Ein al-Hilwe Camp, was not killed by a knife, as reported by LBC, but killed by a shot to the neck from an M16.

Excuse me if I have dragged on, but we are fatigued from years of humiliation and searches and oppression and besiegement in the Camps.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.

Yousef Mohammed Ali is a Palestinian refugee from Tabaraya, living in Ein al-Hilwe Camp.

(english.al-akhbar.com / 25.06.2012)

 

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