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Jewish Defense League established in the Netherlands

22 September 2003

Jewish Defense League fashion and flag

This morning I woke up and followed the usual routine of reading the paper while sipping on coffee and waiting for it to kick in to jump-start the day. A quick skim of the front page takes me to domestic (Dutch) affairs. The coffee was not necessary anymore and might as well have thrown that down the drain because a picture of a pseudo Israeli army in The Hague was enough to practically choke the day.What is going on? I expected the face of “Harry Potter” (the nickname of the Dutch Prime Minister Balkenende) and his “pitch in” policy that is leading the poor to becoming poorer and the rich to becoming richer in social-democratic Holland. A number of confused questions started going through my head. Where was I? Occupied Palestine? Did the Israeli army withdraw from Lebanon to come to Holland? What is going on?

A more detailed inspection of this portrait upon reading the article brought clarity to my confused mind, but it did not yet eliminate the uneasy feeling of fear. The relieving feeling and idea of not having to go through checkpoints several times a daily, or see soldiers, military jeeps and tanks in every corner of the country seemed distant all of a sudden; as if that was all too good to be true.

 

Members of the Jewish Defense League protest in the streets of New York at “Salute to Israel Parade”, 6 May 2001

According to the Dutch daily De Volkskrant, the Jewish Defence League was established this summer in Holland. For the first time this Sunday they demonstrated in the Hague in front of the American and Israeli embassies. They were wearing Israeli military customs, blue bomberjacks with a logo showing the Star of David with a fist embroidered onto them, carrying sizable Israeli flags. They hereby wished to express their concern about the Road Map that would lead to a peaceful settlement and the formation of an independent Palestinian state alongside the state of Israel. According to the founder of the organization, Philip Awuy, their militant image is misleading. They are here to protect the Jewish community from anti-Semitism, having therefore consciously adopted this defensive, rather than offensive, mode.De Volkskrant also mentions that this organization did exist in the 70s, only they overly extended their welcome when committing violent attacks against Dutch media institutions at the slightest suspicion of a pro-Palestinian stance. At that point the Dutch government decided to ban the organization all together.

The JDL was traced back to 1968 when the radical rabbi Meir Kahane founded the organization in the United States. De Volkskrant concludes with the fact that JDL is prohibited in Israel.

Somehow this conclusion did not seem to put my mind at ease. Is this the same JDL that commended Baruch Goldstein when opening fire, slaughtering 39 praying Palestinians in the Ibrahimi Mosque in Herbon.

“We feel that [Baruch] Goldstein took a preventative measure against yet another Arab attack on Jews. We understand his motivation, his grief and his actions. And we are not ashamed to say that Goldstein was a charter member of the Jewish Defense League.” — SOURCE: JDL website

Is this the same organization that has been accused by the FBI and CIA of more than 50 terrorist attacks in the United States and is this the organization of which its members were suspected to be involved in the bombing of the LA offices of the American Arab Anti Discrimination Committee, which killed an ADC regional director Alex Odeh? Is this the same organization that has strong links with the most extreme settlers in the occupied Palestinian territories, eg. the also illegal Kach movement? Is this the same organization of which its chairman, Irv Rubin and Earl Krugel, a member of the organization, were officially charged with conspiracy to commit an act of terrorism?

Living under occupation in Palestine is one thing, but living in Western Europe and having the occupation follow you is another. I am not only speaking as the Palestinian of today, or, the Dutch of then, but, as a human being.

(electronicintifada.net / 18.05.2012)

Ban has no proof of Al-Qaeda role in Syria: spokesman


Syrian anti-government demonstrators shout slogans as they wave a pre-Baath Syrian flag during a protest in Atareb. UN leader Ban Ki-moon has no "hard" proof that Al-Qaeda was behind bomb attacks in Syria but is very concerned that terrorist groups are taking advantage of strife in the country.

Syrian anti-government demonstrators shout slogans as they wave a pre-Baath Syrian flag during a protest in Atareb. UN leader Ban Ki-moon has no “hard” proof that Al-Qaeda was behind bomb attacks in Syria but is very concerned that terrorist groups are taking advantage of strife in the country.

AFP - UN leader Ban Ki-moon has no “hard” proof that Al-Qaeda was behind bomb attacks in Syria but is very concerned that terrorist groups are taking advantage of strife in the country, his spokesman said Friday.

Ban said on Thursday that he believed the group founded by the late Osama bin Laden carried out suicide bomb attacks in Damascus on May 10 which left at least 55 dead and nearly 400 wounded.

US and Russian officials have also said they believe Al-Qaeda has moved into the country where President Bashar al-Assad has been battling an uprising for 15 months.

“Do we have hard conclusive evidence at this point, no we don’t,” UN spokesman Martin Nesirky told reporters when asked about Ban’s statement.

But he added: “The Damascus attacks were clearly carried out by a group with organization and intent. Some of the attacks we have seen clearly bear some of the terrorist hallmarks with which we are familiar from elsewhere.”

Ban, UN-Arab League envoy Kofi Annan and Major General Robert Mood, the head of the UN ceasefire observer mission in Syria, share a “genuine concern” that “terrorist groups are already taking advantage of the continued violence and insecurity in Syria,” the spokesman said.

Annan has said he believes there is a “third element” operating in Syria alongside government and opposition forces.

“We have not yet been able to ascertain who this element belongs to — who it is — and we are in the process of doing so,” Annan’s spokesman Ahmad Fawzi said in Geneva earlier.

(www.france24.com / 18.05.2012)

Palestinian female Olympian: ‘Miracles do happen’

(CNN) – Woroud Sawalha knows she won’t win a medal at the London Olympics. She isn’t likely to get beyond the first round of the 800 meters.

But for the 20-year-old and her three teammates, just competing under the Palestinian flag is a source of pride.

The appearance itself is controversial: the U.N. does not recognize a Palestinian state but athletes have been allowed to compete under a Palestinian flag by the International Olympic Committee and soccer’s ruling body FIFA since 1996 and 1998 respectively.

“It means a lot for me that I am female and representing Palestine,” she told CNN’s Aiming For Gold. “I will represent my hometown Asira ash-Shamaliya, Palestine and my university.”

Asira ash-Shamaliya is a village of fewer than 10,000 inhabitants in the northern West Bank, where protests and tear gas form part of everyday life in a region still fighting for independence from Israel after two decades of struggle.

Sawalha, who will be immediately recognizable by her black headscarf, long-sleeved top and long trousers, knows that when she steps up to the line in London, she won’t just be representing herself.

Running under the Palestinian flag
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London 2012 Olympic stadium opensLondon 2012 Olympic stadium opens

“This will reflect on my female friends and on sports in Palestine,” she said. “Maybe the view of girls will change from practicing sports in a more professional way and more freely in front of people.”

The International Olympic Committee is hopeful that the 2012 Games will be the first to feature female athletes on every team.

Three teams have never sent women. Palestinians have competed in the Olympics under their flag since 1996, sending their first female athlete in 2000.

However, Sawalha believes the fact that she was only told six months ago that she would be going to London is a sign of how lightly women’s sport is taken in the Palestinian territories.

She had her first taste of top-level international competition earlier this year at the world indoor championships in Istanbul.

She clocked two minutes 51.87 seconds in her heat for a personal best that was still more than 53 seconds slower than the gold medal-winning time.

Given her lack of preparation and the scant training resources available in her homeland, Sawalha knows a medal is beyond her, so her target is to further improve her personal best.

“Miracles do happen, and with God’s help I will hopefully get a good result,” she said. “Since they selected me for the Olympics, my running time has gone from four minutes to just under three, so I’ve seen a big improvement.”

Training on pot-holed roads in Gaza, dodging cars and horses and carts, Bahaa al-Farra knows that only so much improvement is possible.

Like Sawalha, the 400-meter runner must rely on an invitation from the IOC to compete in London because neither has reached the required qualifying standard.

When he isn’t running, al-Farra works out in a dingy public gym with shabby white concrete walls.

______________________________________________________________________________
I need a proper track to train on — at the moment I just run on the roads or on sand
Palestine athlete Bahaa al-Farra
______________________________________________________________________________

“I need a proper track to train on,” he said. “At the moment I just run on the roads or on sand. Also, proper starting blocks are unavailable in Gaza.”

So when he arrives in London, he’ll not only have the daunting prospect of a first Olympic Games to consider but he’ll also have to quickly get accustomed to unfamiliar conditions.

“Hopefully, the lack of training tools won’t affect me, and I can prove to the world that we can compete even without them,” he said.

For al-Farra, competing in London won’t leave him completely fulfilled. He hopes it is only the start of a long athletics career.

“My dream is to become a world-known runner and compete with world champions in overseas competitions and hopefully I can achieve my dream in the near future,” he said.

“My dream is to do something for Palestine and show the world that Palestine deserves to live and stand on the podium.”

(edition.cnn.com / 18.05.2012)

“We will not be silenced”: Stop the Wall youth activist speaks on repression and resistance

Palestinian youth demonstrate outside Ofer prison on Nakba Day, 15 May 2012.

Stop the Wall has been prominent lately in organizing protests to support Palestinianhunger strikers, resisting their detention without charge by Israel. The group’s strong opposition to Israeli apartheid has resulted in it becoming a target of repression. Earlier this month, its offices in the West Bank city of Ramallah were raided by the Israeli military.

Hassan Kharajeh, a youth coordinator with Stop the Wall, has been especially active in mobilizing young Palestinians to oppose the occupation. He spoke to Eoin O’Ceallaigh, outreach coordinator with Stop the Wall, about the role of youth in the hunger strike demonstrations and why today’s generation of youth has Israel scared.

Eoin O’Ceallaigh: Now that the hunger strikers have accepted a deal which hopefully will improve their conditions and restrict the arbitrary use of administrative detention, what is your assessment of the situation on the ground?

Hassan Kharajeh: I guess the clearest answer has already been given by the widespreadNakba Day protests across the West Bank, including the up to 2,000 people that participated in the protest in front of Ofer prison. For over seven hours Palestinian youth confronted the occupation and made their voice heard, nationally, internationally and even inside the prison cells of Ofer.

For the prisoners, this incredible show of strength and willpower has brought the chance to significantly alleviate their suffering. While the only way to give the Palestinian political prisoners justice is their immediate release, the current agreement is definitely huge progress. For us outside the prison cells, their struggle has given us a model of steadfastness and the certainty that if we stand up united, we can win, step by step, our freedom and national self-determination. This has galvanized many. It is now up to us to ensure that we build on this momentum to strengthen the popular struggle as such.

EOC:The Palestinian youth were already very active in supporting the prisoners’ hunger strike in September 2011. Can you speak about that?

HK: In September 2011, Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails began a hunger strike against their conditions, and the youth movement began to organize in support of the prisoners by staging demonstrations and other events. After the prisoner exchange in October 2011, which saw the release of over 1,000 Palestinian political prisoners in exchange for the captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, Israel promised to improve prison conditions for Palestinian prisoners. This promise has not been fulfilled, and in actual fact the situation in Israeli jails has worsened considerably for Palestinian prisoners. This was one of the main reasons for the hunger strike initiated by Khader Adnan on 17 December 2011, as well as a general protest against Israel’s illegal policy of administrative detention.

EOC: How did the youth in Palestine respond to Khader Adnan’s hunger strike?

HK: The reaction to Khader Adnan’s, and later Hana al-Shalabi’s hunger strike by the youth in Palestine is worth analyzing critically. While the youth again organized incredibly effective actions in solidarity, there was no long-term strategy, or a realization that Khader and Hana’s hunger strikes would lead to the mass hunger strikes that we witness today. This was an early mistake by the youth movement, but one learns a lot from such mistakes. When Bilal [Diab] and Thaer [Halahleh] started their hunger strikes, we realised that the youth in Palestine had to go beyond just supporting individual hunger strikers and their families, but had to have a strategy to support a general hunger strike of Palestinian prisoners.

EOC: Since the Arab uprisings, a lot has been written about the role of social media in protests movements. How much have you been using social media?

HK: We have used Twitter a lot to mobilize international support for the hunger strikes, but also to put pressure directly on the representatives of the international community and to force them to break their silence in the face of Israel’s repeated violations of human rights. One example of this is when Catherine Ashton [the EU’s foreign policy chief] released a statement calling on Israel to “preserve the health of Mr. Adnan and handle this case while abiding by all legal obligations under international law.” We obviously considered this to be a very weak statement, so we organized a sustained campaign on Twitter to pressure Ms. Ashton to release a statement calling for his immediate release.

EOC: Where does Stop the Wall youth draw its support from?

HK: Stop the Wall youth draws it support from many different political traditions within Palestine, and is independent of all of them, instead choosing to work with these various groups when and where the need arises. Stop the Wall was set up to oppose Israel’sapartheid wall, and this continues to be the focus of our work. [Stop the Wall] is also a member of a vast network of Palestinian civil society organizations struggling on various fronts against Israel’s colonization and occupation of Palestine. As such, our work, and the work of Stop the Wall youth, is not only confined to the fight against the wall and thesettlements, but supports a wide variety of struggles, most recently the hunger strikes of Palestinian prisoners against their illegal detention by Israel. The extensive network of contacts that Stop the Wall has built up over the years makes our group very well-placed to participate and support the campaigns of our comrades throughout Palestine and internationally.

EOC: What is the relationship between the youth movement and the popular committees set up to resist the occupation in various West Bank villages?

EOC: We work very closely with the popular committees throughout Palestine, and many of the youth are involved directly in the struggles in their own areas, particularly in communities directly affected by the wall and settlements. At the moment the youth movement is strongest in the major cities of the West Bank as well as the communities on the route of the wall or with settlements built on their land.

EOC: What is the situation of the youth movements in Jerusalem, and how is the situation there in terms of organizing the youth?

HK: Well, Jerusalem is a unique case. It is completely under the control of Israel, unlike areas of the West Bank which are under the partial control of the Palestinian Authority, and still its Palestinian residents do not have the rights of Israeli citizens. Palestinians in Jerusalem, therefore, directly confront the Israeli state in every aspect of their life, whether it be through the mundane bureaucratic procedures forced upon the occupied by the occupier, like applying for the myriad of permits that the Israeli state requires us to hold, or when there is physical repression by the Israeli occupation forces when we as Palestinians express our cultural identity and protest for our human rights.

This direct confrontation with Israel raises particular problems for organizing the youth in Jerusalem, the most obvious of which is that Israel can very easily arrest and imprison those who dare to express opinions in opposition to the dominant Zionist narrative. At the same time though, Jerusalem has always been the focus of the Palestinian struggle, and the youth in Jerusalem continue to organize despite the daily repression and intimidation of the Israeli occupation.

EOC: You’ve spoken about Israeli repression of the youth movement, which leads me to wonder what kind of problems the youth movement faces within areas under the at least nominal control of the Palestinian Authority?

HK: This is an interesting topic. The nature of any independent youth movement is that, in order to become stronger and to grow, it must defend its independence from political parties and the political establishment, though we are happy to work with other groups and in fact many of the members of the youth movement are active in other organizations. What I mean is that we cannot allow ourselves to be co-opted by any particular group, lest we are forced to compromise our principles or adapt our tactics to suit those in power. This is one of the reasons that we refuse to take money from any organization, international or Palestinian.

In terms of the situation of the youth movement within the wider Palestinian society, our goals are certainly very different from those of the PA, who are content with maintaining thestatus quo and, as Mahmoud Abbas recently stated, do not want a third intifada or any sustained popular uprising against Israeli occupation. A major problem for any independent movement within Palestine is the extent of PA control over the media, and this was recently demonstrated by the arrests of dozens of journalists and bloggers over the last few weeks by PA security forces, a major threat to freedom of expression.

EOC: Do you think that the youth movement in Palestine will face repression from the PA as well as the Israeli authorities as popular resistance to the occupation increases/?

HK: Yes, I certainly do. The recent protests at the UN and ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] offices in Ramallah started with the PA security forces unsure of what to do. On one hand they seemed concerned by the number of photographers and journalists there, and didn’t want to be seen to be attacking the friends and families of hunger strikers. On the other hand, they didn’t want Israel or the United States to think that they were supporting the hunger strike.

The day after, at the ICRC protest, we saw a more assertive and aggressive PA response, with police officers ripping banners calling for the release of the hunger strikers. This is a worrying development, but I think that to an extent we can see the increased repression by both Israel and the PA security forces as a sign of the growing strength and power of the popular resistance in Palestine. The PA are in a very difficult position, because either they allow free protest in the areas they control and upset Israel, or they attack and arrest Palestinian protesters and become seen as collaborators. Time will tell which path they will chose, but I fear it will not be the side of the popular resistance.

EOC: The repression of Palestinian protests and organizations is constantly justified as defending law and order. What are the tactics you are using as a movement?

HK: This is ironic. It is the Palestinian youth and those organizing protests that are defending international law and working towards an end of the constant Israeli violations of our UN-sanctioned rights.

The repression we are currently facing — whether that is violence against us during protests or attacks like the Israeli raid of Stop the Wall’s offices on 7 May — is simply an attempt to cancel our right to freedom of expression and assembly. At the Stop the Wall offices the Israeli military took away documentation and equipment for documentation of human rights violations, in particular computers, hard disks and memory cards. We are apparently asked to sit at home and watch our last lands being confiscated, our homes demolished and thousands of Palestinians being taken away to Israeli jails, many even without trials or charges. But we will not sit at home and we will not be silent.

The Palestinian youth movement has chosen popular action and shouting our demands to the world. We are with our bodies here in the streets and in the fields and with our voices all around the world. The idea that a new generation is getting stronger, that it is not ready to forget about their rights and their identity, and that it is not ready to accept the status quoas “normal,” this is what scares them.

If we are able to keep the current momentum of popular mobilization and international attention created for our struggle and are able to successfully build on it, then they will be even more scared of us and in Stop the Wall we predict more repression to follow the last office raid.

EOC: You have talked about not accepting the status quo as “normal.” What do you mean by this?

HK: For example, this New Year’s eve — while Khader Adnan was already on hunger strike — a Ramallah-based company invited Israeli artists to perform for their employees, including an artist who had performed concerts for the Israeli military. When we learned about this we organized a campaign to force the Ramallah company to rescind the invitation and to accept that it was very offensive to have an Israeli, who one day sings for occupying Israeli soldiers, to then perform for the Palestinian people as they enter another year of occupation.

Thanks to massive public support for the campaign, the company cancelled the invitation, and within a few days we managed to organize an extremely successful New Year’s Eve party in the center of Ramallah, with artists performing for free for the public. This is a great example of the organizational strength of the youth movement, as well as testimony to the support that the Palestinian people give to us. I know that this support comes because we are consistent in our political opposition to the occupation of Palestine, and our independence from political or sectarian factions means that we can stick to our principles, while also being free to support the popular resistance.

EOC: What does the Palestinian youth expect from the international community?

HK: If you mean by “international community” the governments around the world, then honestly we do not expect much anymore. However, we do expect a lot from the people around the world. We know that many understand and support our struggle. We need to work closer together and ensure that our actions are better coordinated and we grow stronger and more effective in pressuring companies and governments around the world to stop their complicit silence and their support to Israel, whether at an economic, political or cultural level.

(electronicintifada.net / 18.05.2012)

Kerk in Actie steunt asielzoekers tentenkamp

Utrecht | Kerk in Actie en vluchtelingenorganisatie INLIA dagen demissionair minister Leers (Immigratie, Integratie en Asiel) uit om ‘met echte oplossingen te komen wat betreft het terugkeerbeleid van asielzoekers naar Irak en Somalië’. Dat schrijven zij in een brief aan de minister.
Aanleiding voor de brief is het tentenkamp van uitgeprocedeerde asielzoekers bij het asielzoekerscentrum in Ter Apel. In dit tentenkamp zitten zo’n 160 uitgeprocedeerde asielzoekers. Het zijn vooral Irakezen, maar er is ook een grote groep Somaliërs, enkele Iraniërs en twee mensen uit Azerbeidjan. Ze zijn allemaal uitgeprocedeerd en daarom illegaal in Nederland. Ze kunnen niet terug naar hun geboorteland, omdat ze hun leven daar niet zeker zijn, stellen ze.
Stichting INLIA en Kerk in Actie vinden dat er zo snel mogelijk een humanitair aanvaardbare situatie komt voor de bewoners van het tentenkamp in Ter Apel.
De brief stelt ook dat kerken, maatschappelijke organisaties, gemeenten en particulieren ‘geen formele bevoegdheid hebben te besluiten inzake toelating en terugkeer’. ‘Maar we worden wel geconfronteerd met de gevolgen van de falende strategie van het op-straat-zet-beleid.’
Irak wil geen landgenoten opvangen die gedwongen Nederland uitgezet zijn, maar een vrijwillige terugkeer is volgens Leers wel mogelijk. ‘Als landen hun eigen onderdanen niet terugnemen op het moment dat zij niet langer in Nederland mogen verblijven is er sprake van een interstatelijke twist die niet moet worden afgewenteld op individuen of de samenleving’, aldus de brief. ‘Het over de heg kieperen van asielzoekers in de gemeenschap biedt geen enkele vorm van een oplossing. Het tentenkamp in Ter Apel is hier het levend bewijs van.’
(www.frieschdagblad.nl / 18.05.2012)

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

PREAMBLE

Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,

Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people,

Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law,

Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations,

Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,

Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms,

Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge,

Now, Therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.

 

Article 1.

  • All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Article 2.

  • Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.

Article 3.

  • Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.

Article 4.

  • No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.

Article 5.

  • No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

Article 6.

  • Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.

Article 7.

  • All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.

Article 8.

  • Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.

Article 9.

  • No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.

Article 10.

  • Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.

Article 11.

  • (1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.
  • (2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.

Article 12.

  • No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.

Article 13.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.
  • (2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.

Article 14.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.
  • (2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

Article 15.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to a nationality.
  • (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.

Article 16.

  • (1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.
  • (2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.
  • (3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.

Article 17.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.
  • (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.

Article 18.

  • Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.

Article 19.

  • Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

Article 20.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
  • (2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association.

Article 21.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.
  • (2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.
  • (3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.

Article 22.

  • Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.

Article 23.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.
  • (2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.
  • (3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.
  • (4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.

Article 24.

  • Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.

Article 25.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.
  • (2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.

Article 26.

  • (1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.
  • (2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.
  • (3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.

Article 27.

  • (1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.
  • (2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.

Article 28.

  • Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.

Article 29.

  • (1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.
  • (2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.
  • (3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

Article 30.

  • Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.

(www.un.org / 18.05.2012)

Interactive map of Palestine villages destroyed in Nakba

The map is to find at the site http://electronicintifada.net/blog/ali-abunimah/interactive-map-palestine-villages-destroyed-nakba

The Electronic Intifada has produced this interactive map that allows you to see information about any of the more than 400 Palestinian cities, towns and villages depopulated and destroyed during the Nakba – the ethnic cleansing of Palestine by Zionist and later Israeli forces from late 1947 into 1948.

The data and images come from the website Palestine Remembered, which used much of the basic research from Walid Khalidi’s seminal reference All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948. Many individuals have also contributed their own narratives, images and personal discoveries on Palestine Remembered.

The Electronic Intifada acknowledges this work and is pleased to present and increase access to this important data in a new form.

How to use the map:

  • Clicking on a dot opens up a pop-up bubble which shows information about that location in Palestine;
  • Zoom in to an area by holding the “Shift” key and drawing a box with your mouse or trackpad, or use the buttons on the left edge of the map;
  • Click on the “+” sign in the blue tab on the upper right corner of the map to access more layers of data such as places built up by Israel, West Bank villages, Gaza places, and communities of Palestinians still living in what is now Israel;
  • View the map in its own browser window: Interactive map of Palestine villages destroyed in Nakba.

(electronicintifada.net / 18.05.2012)

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