Monotheists Distinguish Between the Rule of Allah and the Rule of People

By FaithinAllah.org

An important tenet of monotheism is the distinction between the rule, or judgment, of Allah Almighty and the judgment of scholars and leaders. The Messenger of Allah, peace be upon him, ordered his companions to make this distinction:

    وَإِذَا حَاصَرْتَ أَهْلَ حِصْنٍ فَأَرَادُوكَ أَنْ تَجْعَلَ لَهُمْ ذِمَّةَ اللَّهِ وَذِمَّةَ نَبِيِّهِ فَلاَ تَجْعَلْ لَهُمْ ذِمَّةَ اللَّهِ وَلاَ ذِمَّةَ نَبِيِّهِ وَلَكِنِ اجْعَلْ لَهُمْ ذِمَّتَكَ وَذِمَّةَ أَصْحَابِكَ فَإِنَّكُمْ أَنْ تُخْفِرُوا ذِمَمَكُمْ وَذِمَمَ أَصْحَابِكُمْ أَهْوَنُ مِنْ أَنْ تُخْفِرُوا ذِمَّةَ اللَّهِ وَذِمَّةَ رَسُولِهِ. وَإِذَا حَاصَرْتَ أَهْلَ حِصْنٍ فَأَرَادُوكَ أَنْ تُنْزِلَهُمْ عَلَى حُكْمِ اللَّهِ فَلاَ تُنْزِلْهُمْ عَلَى حُكْمِ اللَّهِ وَلَكِنْ أَنْزِلْهُمْ عَلَى حُكْمِكَ فَإِنَّكَ لاَ تَدْرِي أَتُصِيبُ حُكْمَ اللَّهِ فِيهِمْ أَمْ لاَ

When you besiege the people of a fortress and they want you to make for them the covenant of Allah and His Prophet, do not make for them the covenant of Allah and His Prophet but rather make for them the covenant of your companions. Indeed, to breach the covenant of you and your companions is a lesser sin than to breach the covenant of Allah and His Messenger. And when you besiege the people of a fortress and they want you to bring them out according to the ruling (hukm) of Allah, do not bring them out according to the ruling of Allah but rather bring them out according to your ruling. Indeed, you do not know if you can carry out the ruling of Allah concerning them or not.

[Sahih Muslim, Book 19, Number 4294]

In his Book of Monotheism, Sheikh Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab mentions that an important lesson to be derived from this Hadith is:

الفرق بين حكم الله وحُكم العلماء

The distinction between the ruling of Allah and the ruling of scholars.

This lesson is of the utmost importance to Muslims because ascribing wrong rulings to Allah could lead to idolatry. In Islam, there are issues that are absolutely clear (muhkamat) and issues that are unclear (mutashabihat). The Prophet, peace be upon him, said:

الْحَلاَلُ بَيِّنٌ وَالْحَرَامُ بَيِّنٌ، وَبَيْنَهُمَا مُشَبَّهَاتٌ لاَ يَعْلَمُهَا كَثِيرٌ مِنَ النَّاسِ

The lawful is clear, and the unlawful is clear, and between the two are doubtful matters about which many people do not know.

[Sahih Bukhari, Book 2, Number 50]

Indeed, Islamic scripture is silent or inconclusive on a number of topics, leaving us with principles with which to derive new independent rulings instead of supplying us with specific detailed rulings. This is no mistake on the part of the Law-Giver. Rather, this silence is a part of Allah’s plan. The Messenger of Allah, peace be upon him, said:

    إِنَّ اللَّهَ فَرَضَ فَرَائِضَ فَلَا تُضَيِّعُوهَا ، وَحَدَّ حُدُودًا فَلَا تَعْتَدُوهَا ، وَسَكَتَ عَنْ أَشْيَاءَ رَحْمَةً لَكُمْ غَيْرَ نِسْيَانٍ فَلَا تَبْحَثُوا عَنْهَا

Indeed, Allah has made duties obligatory, so do not neglect them; and He has set limits, so do not transgress them; and He has remained silent concerning things as mercy for you, not out of forgetfulness, so do not search them out.

[Forty Hadith An-Nawawi Number 30, recorded by Al-Daraqutni with a good chain]

When Islamic scriptures are silent on a given topic, it becomes the duty of Muslim scholars to derive new rulings, to issue new fatawa (judgments), in order to apply Islamic guidance to new questions. Such questions include many modern social, political, and economic issues which past generations never experienced and for which there is no conclusively “correct” Islamic opinion. These modern fatawa are by no means the judgments of Allah. Rather, they are the judgments of people, right or wrong.

Therefore, it is wholly forbidden to refer to such scholarly judgments on unclear issues as the “ruling of Allah.” Even the slightest shadow of a doubt necessitates that the Muslims use caution and ascribe such judgments to the scholars and not Allah Almighty or His Messenger, peace be upon him. For this reason, Imam Ahmad said:

لا تقلد دينك أحدا من هؤلاء ما جاء عن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم وأصحابه فخذ به ثم التابعين بعد الرجل فيه مخير

Do not copy your religion from anyone of these (Muslim jurists), but take whatever comes from the Prophet, peace be upon him, and his Companions. Next to them are the followers, in which a man has a choice (to take or leave their opinions).

Allah Almighty issued a stern warning to the Meccan polytheists when they would ascribe to Allah such judgments of Halal (lawful) and Haram (unlawful) without decisive evidence from divine revelation:

قُلْ أَرَأَيْتُم مَّا أَنزَلَ اللَّهُ لَكُم مِّن رِّزْقٍ فَجَعَلْتُم مِّنْهُ حَرَامًا وَحَلَالًا قُلْ آللَّهُ أَذِنَ لَكُمْ أَمْ عَلَى اللَّهِ تَفْتَرُونَ

Say, “Have you seen what Allah has sent down to you of provision of which you have made lawful and unlawful?” Say, “Has Allah permitted you, or do you invent something about Allah?”

[Surah Yunus 10:59]

Likewise, we see many Muslims today rushing to give judgments of lawful and unlawful in decidedly unclear matters, while they even go to such extremes as to excommunicate from the fold of Islam those who merely have another opinion! Rather, we fear that they may fall into the same trap as some Jews and Christians of the past. They exalted the opinions of their leaders into divine revelation, and thus they fell into idolatry. Adi ibn Hatim reported: I heard the Prophet, peace be upon him, reciting the verse:

اتَّخَذُوا أَحْبَارَهُمْ وَرُهْبَانَهُمْ أَرْبَابًا مِّن دُونِ ال

They have taken their priests and rabbis as Lords besides Allah…

[Surah At-Tawbah 9:31]

Then he said:

أَمَا إِنَّهُمْ لَمْ يَكُونُوا يَعْبُدُونَهُمْ وَلَكِنَّهُمْ كَانُوا إِذَا أَحَلُّوا لَهُمْ شَيْئًا اسْتَحَلُّوهُ وَإِذَا حَرَّمُوا عَلَيْهِمْ شَيْئًا حَرَّمُوهُ

As for them, they did not worship them, but rather when they made something lawful for them they considered it lawful, and when they made something unlawful for them they considered it unlawful.

[Sunan At-Tirmidhi, Book of Tafsir, Number 3095, Hasan]

Are not Muslims in danger of the same trap when they ignorantly or arrogantly associate their personal opinions with the Divine Law of the Almighty Lord?

Success comes from Allah, and Allah knows best.

(www.faithinallah.org / 07.05.2012)

Hamas PM calls on Israel to release Palestinian prisoners

Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh

Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh calls on Israel to release Palestinian prisoners on hunger strike to protest their detention, Press TV reports.

Describing the mass hunger strike by Palestinians in Israeli jails as a humanitarian struggle, Haniyeh on Monday called on Islamic and Arab countries to be more engaged in the issues of Palestinian prisoners.

His remarks came after Israel’s Supreme Court turned down an appeal requesting the release of two Palestinian prisoners, Bilal Diab and Thaer Halahla who have been on hunger strike for more than two months.

Bilal Diab and Thaer Halahla began refusing food on February 29 in protest to their administrative detention, a controversial practice used by Tel Aviv, which allows Israeli authorities to hold people, mostly Palestinians, without charge or trial indefinitely.

Meanwhile, political adviser to Haniyeh Yousef Rizqa warned that Israel was trying to use party affiliations to sow discord among the prisoners on hunger strike.

An estimated 1,600 to 2,000 Palestinian prisoners began an open-ended hunger strike on April 17 to protest against Israel’s administrative detention rules, the use of solitary confinement, maltreatment of sick detainees, and difficulty in securing family visits and strip searches that are imposed on visitors.

According to an April 1, 2012 report published by the non-governmental Palestinian prisoner support and human rights association, Addameer, at least 4,610 “political” Palestinian prisoners are held in Israeli jails.

Addameer figures show 322 of the Palestinian prisoners are administrative detainees.

Independent sources, however, put the number of Palestinian inmates in Israeli jails at 11,000.

(www.presstv.ir / 07.05.12)

Liefdevolle kritiek – Samira Bouchibti over de Marokkaanse gemeenschap

Aan de hand van de geschiedenis van haar ouders, afgewisseld met korte algemenere uitwijdingen, schetst Bouchibti wat er misgaat in de Marokkaanse gemeenschap in Nederland, en wat daar naar haar idee aan te doen valt.

De islam, de moslims en ik gaat niet over de islam, niet over de moslims en maar zeer ten dele over de ‘ik’ uit de titel, de schrijfster Samira Bouchibti. Het gaat eerst en vooral over Roukaya Abbos, een Marokkaans meisje dat op haar elfde werd uitgehuwelijkt aan de enkele jaren oudere Mohammed Bouchibti. Na haar eerste menstruatie, een jaar na haar huwelijk, beleefde ze haar eerste echte ‘huwelijksnacht’ om uiteindelijk zeven kinderen te krijgen.
Jarenlang leed Roukaya onder de tirannie van een inwonende schoonmoeder terwijl haar man eerst in Algerije en daarna in Nederland als gastarbeider de kost voor een uitgebreide schare familieleden verdiende. Uiteindelijk weet ze zich (zónder schoonmoeder) bij haar man in Nederland te voegen en zich daar te ontwikkelen tot een vrouw die zelfstandig genoeg is om náást hem te staan. Aanvankelijk gaat het goed en geniet het gezin van de ruimte en de vrijheid die Nederland biedt. Maar dan blijkt dat Mohammed de zelfstandigheid mist die zijn vrouw meer en meer kenmerkt. Hij is te afhankelijk van de Marokkaanse gemeenschap, van zijn vrienden, van de mannen in de moskee, om afstand te kunnen nemen van de dictatoriale rol die zij van hem verwachten.
Roukaya schikt zich niet. Ze zoekt in stilte een huis voor haarzelf en haar kinderen, scheidt van haar man en betaalt daarvoor als uitgestotene uit een tot dan toe hecht en warm sociaal netwerk een forse prijs. Ze houdt zich ondanks alles staande, en brengt in vrijheid haar kinderen groot. Een van die kinderen is de schrijfster die de onafhankelijke geest van haar moeder meekreeg, en haar daar zeer dankbaar voor is.
Bouchibti gebruikt de geschiedenis van haar ouders als kapstok voor een reeks inkijkjes in de traditionele Marokkaanse cultuur – het uithuwelijken, de maagdelijkheidsobsessie, het gebrek aan privacy – zonder zich door die geschiedenis te laten beperken. Ze schrijft ook over polygamie, hoewel haar vader pas na de scheiding een tweede keer trouwde, en over het lot van homoseksuelen. En ze vertelt over haar eigen ervaringen als leerling van een christelijke basisschool door de week, en een koranschool in het weekend.
Centraal in haar verhaal het overweldigende belang van de familie en de gemeenschap daaromheen. Ze laat zien welke rol mannen en vrouwen in dat geheel spelen, en móeten spelen, hoe verschillend die rollen zijn, en hoe de macht tussen man en vrouw verdeeld is. In dat geheel is de goede naam van de familie van overwegend belang. Die goede naam is in een ongezond hoge mate afhankelijk van de reputatie van de vrouwen. En waar ieders lot onlosmakelijk verbonden is met de familie-eer is het ook ieders belang die eer te beschermen. Het gevolg is een systeem waarin iedereen iedereen onder de duim probeert te houden, al werkt dat voor mannen en vrouwen heel verschillend uit. De ‘ontspoorde’ vrouw krijgt een golf van afschuw en roddel over zich heen en wordt, als niets meer helpt, uitgesloten. Voor in huiselijk geweld of kleine en minder kleine criminaliteit ontspoorde mannen, sluit diezelfde gemeenschap collectief de ogen.
Bouchibti droeg haar boek op aan haar moeder, maar dat betekent niet dat zij haar vader afschrijft. Ook hem schildert ze met respect en liefde. En aan de hand van zijn verhaal laat ze zien hoe de plicht om de baas te zijn een mens van veel moois in het leven berooft. Uiteindelijk ligt daar ook de kracht van dit boek, waarin ze de vele problemen van de Marokkaanse gemeenschap in het westen – van huwelijksdwang en huiselijk geweld via religieuze radicalisering tot schooluitval en jeugdcriminaliteit – schetst zónder ooit te vergeten dat het wél om mensen gaat die altijd oneindig veel meer zijn dan alleen hun tekortkomingen, hoe kwalijk die voor henzelf en anderen ook kunnen uitpakken.
Ik ben een aantal jaren als lid en later adviseur van de medezeggenschapsraad betrokken geweest bij een islamitische school. Ik heb daar regelmatig gepleit voor het buitenhangen van de vuile was – ‘Alleen zo zorg je ervoor dat mensen weten dat er géén vuile was is als er niets buiten hangt’. Bouchibti hangt in haar boek flink wat vuile was op, en dat doet ze duidelijk uit liefde voor de gemeenschap waaruit ze afkomstig is. Alleen zo kun je op een zinnig manier zoeken naar een oplossing.
De oplossing waar Bouchibti op uitkomt bestaat uit twee componenten: een oproep tot bevrijding van de traditionele islam en een stevige aanpak van ontsporingen. Bij die stevige aanpak gaat het bijvoorbeeld om zaken als snelrecht voor criminele jongeren, beperkingen op de import van huwelijkspartners en een veel nadrukkelijker eis aan ouders zich bezig te houden met de school van hun kinderen. Of die allemaal direct voortvloeien uit Bouchibti’s analyse moet elke lezer voor zichzelf maar uitmaken. (Ik zie dat niet overal even helder, maar dit is niet de plek om daarover in discussie te gaan).
De traditionele islam zou volgens de schrijfster plaats moeten maken voor een vrijzinnige islam die aansluit bij de wereld van vandaag, die openstaat voor nieuwe inzichten, die meegaat in moderne morele verworvenheden, en die werkelijk toekomst heeft omdat hij zich weet aan te passen – een ‘duurzame’ islam, zoals ze dat noemt. Maar hoezeer ik haar een liefst wereldwijde liberalisering van haar islam ook gun, ’t is wel precies daar – de overgang van sociale problemen naar religieuze oplossingen – waar de auteur me net iets te snel gaat.
Het belang, en daarmee de macht van de familie is kenmerkend voor gemeenschappen waarin alleen de familie je kan beschermen tegen onrecht en economische tegenslagen. In het westen is dat belang vrijwel verdwenen, en dat waarschijnlijk toch vooral doordat de overheid de – disciplinerende én verzorgende – rol van de familie overnam. Ligt het niet voor de hand dat de rol van de familie in bijvoorbeeld de Marokkaanse gemeenschap in Nederland, juist daardoor, eveneens zal eroderen? En kun je zo’n proces versnellen door daartoe op te roepen?
De retoriek waarmee de Marokkaanse familie haar almacht probeert vast te houden is sterk religieus gekleurd. Vader is niet de baas omdat dat ergens handig voor is, vader is de baas omdat dat in de Koran staat, of omdat de profeet dat in zijn gezin eveneens was. En zo gaat het met elk ge- en verbod. De vraag is wel of die constante verwijzing naar het geloof meer is dan retoriek. Dat je op grond van andere Koranverzen en andere verhalen over Mohammed als vader en echtgenoot, heel andere verhoudingen zou kunnen verdedigen, wil binnen zo’n traditionele structuur niemand weten. Worden sociale structuren en moraal niet vooral gedicteerd door economische en politieke verhoudingen, en gaan ze niet gewoon aan de religie vooraf? Help je mensen uit hun sociale verdrukking door aan hun godsdienst te sleutelen? Of verandert die godsdienst gewoon vanzelf wel mee als de sociale verhoudingen onder invloed van economie en politiek verschuiven?
Vat die vragen niet te zeer op als kritiek. Bouchibti schreef een persoonlijk boek – over mensen van vlees en bloed, vol verhalen die hun lot inleefbaar maken – geen afstandelijke sociologische beschouwing.
Op één punt heb ik wel kritiek, zij het hier dan vooral kritiek op de uitgever die voor een degelijke redactie had moeten zorgen. Zinnetjes als ‘Zo herinnert mijn moeder haar trouwdag: …’ (zonder ‘zich’), ‘Deze jonge mannen botvieren hun woede …’ (in plaats van ‘vieren hun woede bot’), jongens die op de huwelijksmarkt vanwege geldgebrek ‘langs de lijn’ (in plaats van ‘aan de kant’) blijven staan, voorschriften die ‘lijnrecht’ (in plaats van ‘haaks’) op gangbare gebruiken staan, een ‘opsteker’ voor de koning (waar ‘een hele prestatie’ van die koning bedoeld wordt) – ’t zijn maar enkele voorbeelden van de vele stijlbloempjes die een goede redacteur snel gewied had, om over akelige spelfouten als ‘het leven dat hij lijdt’ maar te zwijgen. Samira Bouchibti had beter verdiend.

(www.republiekallochtonie.nl / 07.05.2012)

Islamic Gardens – They Could Build A Green Muslim Movement

 

Can gardens really help promote environmentally friendly behaviour amongst the Muslim community? Mark Bryant says they can

There’s nothing like being with nature to help clear your mind and when the weather is as lovely as it has been recently, who can resist spending a couple of hours in the garden? But the humble garden should not be overlooked. According to researcher in the uk, the garden can be a powerful tool in inspiring more climate-aware behaviours.

Following my trip to Andalucia and introduction to some stunning Islamic gardens, I looked into the role gardens can play in promoting environmentally-friendly behaviour. I instantly stumbled across a little piece of research by Mark Bryant and Sophie Gilliat-Ray based in the UK who state that “Gardens built reflecting Islamic traditions have been shown to have the potential to educate and inform people about environmental issues.” I caught up with Mark Bryant to find out more about this research and the green Muslim community.

Aburawa: Why do gardens play an important role in Islam and Muslim culture?

Bryant: There are some 166 references to gardens in the Qur’an. These include references to earthly gardens which resemble an oasis or palm gardens found in the Middle East today. Both Eden and Paradise are described in terms of a garden and ‘jannah’ means both garden and paradise in Arabic.

This love for the garden is reflected in the traditions of Muslim poetry, literature and carpet design. And much of what is described as Arabesque design incorporates both realistic and stylised plant forms. In terms of the environment, in addition to respecting nature as part of creation many Muslims regard themselves as having been entrusted with the task of acting as khalifah, or vice-regents, of earth. ‘Later We made you their successors in the land, to see how you would behave’ (Surah 10.14).

Aburawa: The research that you carried out on Islamic gardens in the UK showed that Islamic gardens didn’t generally deal with environmental issues and sustainability. Do you think that this could change in the future?

Bryant: I feel it is important to draw a distinction here between the traditional formal Islamic gardens and gardens reflecting Islamic traditions. The traditional Islamic garden is a specific form consisting of specific formal elements. On the other hand gardens reflecting Islamic traditions can include gardens which incorporate Islamic influences outside of those found in the traditional form such as good Islamic environmental ethical practice.

Whilst it is true that traditional Islamic gardens were not necessarily concerned with issues such as biodiversity, conservation and sustainability it can be argued that they demonstrated the importance of the natural world in Islam. If we use the definition of gardens reflecting Islamic traditions we find examples of gardens being built using Islamically inspired environmentally-friendly practice.

For example the community garden run by Wapping Woman’s Centre in Tower Hamlets has had a huge impact on changing people’s behaviour around recycling, composting and a general respect for the environment.

As well as research into Islamic gardens, you have looked into the scale of environmental concern British Muslims have. What kind of state did you find the environmental movement amongst British Muslims in the UK?

I think the following quote from the conclusion of the paper we wrote for the Journal for the Study of Religion, Nature and Culture (Are British Muslims ‘Green’? An Overview of Environmental Activism among Muslims in Britain.) best answers this question..

So, are British Muslims ‘green’? The answer is both ‘yes’ and ‘no’. Visit nearly any inner-city area in Britain with a large Muslim population and it is evident that the messages of conservation and environmental stewardship that Muslim environmentalists derive from the Qur’an and Hadith are not reflected in the actual behaviour of many British Muslims. Unkempt urban areas often reflect socio-economic deprivation and a lack of engagement in activities that promote environmental conservation. On the other hand, the findings of our research also demonstrate the emergence of a new generation of British Muslim environmental activists who are using their energy and knowledge to argue that being a ‘good Muslim’ must involve environmental responsibility.

In the Middle East, there are real concerns about the growing scarcity of water. As such, do you think it is justifiable to be building gardens which rely heavily on water?

Whilst I am aware of plans for gardens in the Middle East that are environmentally irresponsible this need not be the case. In fact, within the area of water management, Islamically inspired gardens have the potential to stand as examples of traditional and current good practice in water management. Traditional Islamic gardens have historically served as showcases for effective water management in water poor areas – this was particularly the case in gardens in Iran. The palmerals of Elche in Spain are fed by an 800year old water management system developed by the Moors. These systems were in turn studied by French and British engineers to be used in their colonies in Africa.

In September 2011, the tenth International Permaculture Conference and Convergence, IPC10, which was held in Jordan around the theme of water. During the conference, projects in the Jordan Valley and around the Dead Sea using permaculture and Islamic environmentally inspired designs were highlighted as a positive response to the growing water crisis in the region.

So the Islamic environmental ethic works very well with the currently growing Permaculture movement. In addition many of the traditional methods of water management used in the Middle East represent good examples of effective Permaculture design. Finally, I think there is potential for palm gardens to be used as an alternative to less sustainable green spaces currently being built in the region.

:: Image of young muslim girl holding plant via shutterstock.

(www.greenprophet.com / 07.05.2012)

Panel Discussion: The Situation of the West Bank in Light of Continued Settlement

The Facts on the Ground Deny any Practical Possibility for Establishing a Palestinian State

On Wednesday 25/4/2012, Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations held, at its headquarters in Beirut, a panel discussion entitled “The West Bank: Between the State Project and Settlement Building.” The panel discussed the possibility of establishing a viable Palestinian state while Israel is still imposing facts on the ground in the West Bank (WB). These facts include settlement building, bypass roads, the Separation Wall and military checkpoints alongside the security control of large areas of the WB. The participants in the panel included a group of researchers and specialists in the Palestinian issue.

Throughout the two sessions of the panel discussion, the majority of participants considered the facts in the WB preclude the possibility of establishing a Palestinian state and that the Oslo peace process has reached a dead-end. At the same time, the participants stressed that the state of stagnation and crisis faced by the Palestinians nowadays weakens their ability to cope with this reality. They also emphasized that the resolution of this crisis is mainly through the agreement on a common ground and a unified national program that redefines the Palestinian national project while setting objectives and mechanisms for its implementation.

First Session

The first session began with Al-Zaytouna General-Manager, Dr. Mohsen Saleh, who welcomed the participants and delivered a presentation on the current situation of the WB, where maps showed the locations of settlements and their areas, the bypass roads linking them and the route of the Separation Wall, the Israeli-controlled Area C and the Palestinian Authority (PA)-controlled Areas A and B. Dr. Saleh highlighted the track of the Separation Wall which isolates 12% of the WB and confiscates most water sources there, encircles the settlements and includes around 80-85% of the settler population to Israel, isolates Jerusalem and allows Israel to maintain control of around 87% of its eastern part.

Dr. Saleh stated that while the number of settlers in the WB prior to the 1993 Oslo Accords amounted to 180 thousand, this number had increased to around 554 thousand by the end of 2011. He also revealed that the rate of population growth in the WB settlements has amounted to 8%, a rate higher than that in Israel where it stands at 1.7%, and perhaps one of the highest rates in the world.

He ended his presentation with questions open for research and discussion, most notably: what Palestinian state could be established in light of these facts? Was Oslo Agreement a trap? Is the PA a hopeless case or would it be more feasible to deal with it as a fait accompli and benefit from it? Can any Palestinian force, regardless its conditions, administer the issues of the Palestinians in light of the occupation’s control of all its inputs and outputs?

Hilmi Musa, the journalist and expert in the Israeli affairs, stressed that it is difficult to talk about the future of the WB without talking about Israel and its current situation. Musa mentioned that the current Israeli government is the most right-wing in the history of Israel which has become more Jewish than ever. Accordingly, he said, it feels it can further proceed with imposing facts on the ground motivated by a security, political and economic situation that makes it more at ease and encourages it to proceed with the building settlements.

For his part, Saqr Abu Fakhr, the researcher at the Institute of Palestine Studies, ruled out the possibility of establishing a Palestinian state or reaching a solution between the Palestinians and the Israelis due to the lack of any points of agreement between the two sides. He contended that the phase which started with the 1974 Ten Point Program has reached its end adding that Oslo’s outcome was limited to the establishment of the PA whose role was limited to administering employees’ issues and it has become more similar to a non-governmental organization raising funds from donors to cover employees’ salaries.

Muhammad Tayseer al-Khatib, the director of Isra’ Studies Center, believed that the facts on the ground and the lack of any signs heralding the possibility of a near change prove that negotiations have been a complete failure. He added that the resistance suffers a standstill in the WB and Gaza Strip (GS), stressing the need to put an end to the Palestinian confusion by agreeing on a unified Palestinian project, and determining whether the Palestinians support resistance or negotiations. Al-Khatib also confirmed that defining the Palestinian national project needs a real understanding of the Israeli and Palestinian conditions.

Dr. Talal ‘Atrissi, the professor of educational sociology at the Lebanese University and an expert on the Islamic world’s affairs, stated that the maps displayed at the beginning of the session talk for themselves and answer the questions posed for discussion. He affirmed that the confusion caused by the Oslo Accords has come to an end as the Palestinians realize that the negotiations track did not bring them any closer to establishing the state. He asserted that negotiations have been transformed into an international institution meant to live on and wondered whether if there is any side daring to say “we do not want to proceed with negotiations any further.”

In the same context, Salah Salah, the member of the Palestinian National Council, said that there is a consensus on the fact that practically the establishment of Palestinian state is not possible and that the Oslo Accords have failed. However, he added, that there may be disagreement on the alternative solutions. Salah expressed his support for the return to the pre-Oslo process, namely to the project of national liberation. He further wondered, “Why the Israelis would be allowed to claim all Palestine as theirs while such a claim by any Palestinian would sound unrealistic.”

Abu ‘Imad al-Refa‘i, the representative of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, asserted that the facts on the ground and the Israeli conditions for the establishment of the Palestinian state show that the establishment of such a state is not likely. Thus, as the Palestinian negotiator moves a step towards the Israeli side, the latter shows further intransigence and clings to his policy of imposing facts on the ground. Israel’s insistence on proceeding with building settlements as a consensual issue among all political forces and successive governments rules out any possibility for changing this policy. Al-Refa‘i added that the Palestinians are left with one choice: putting a common strategy which maintains the national fundamentals. He reiterated his belief in the resistance option as the best strategy for facing Israel and its policies.

For his part, ‘Ali Barakah, Hamas representative in Lebanon, supported Salah’s suggestion to return to the national liberation project. He said that it is urgent to determine the ways for liberating the land before thinking about the establishment of the state. He also said that the Palestinians who tried to establish a state before liberating the land have failed in doing so, whether in the 1988 Declaration of Independence or through the Oslo Accords or even the recent attempt to resort to the United Nations. Barakah seconded al-Refa‘i’s call to adopt the resistance project which needs a supporting environment expressing the possibility to resort to popular resistance as a first step that would provide a suitable environment for armed resistance.

Dr. Hussein Abu al-Namel, the Palestinian researcher and writer, warned that the attempts at focusing on the post-Oslo stage do not reflect a sound strategy as the Oslo Accords were not the beginning of a stage but rather the result of the project which started in 1974. Accordingly, it is crucial to read and fathom the pre-Oslo stage while taking into account that Oslo is not only Fatah’s problem but the problem of all Palestinians. He stressed that the proper way for resolving the current Palestinian crisis lays in understanding what has happened and comprehending the Israeli policies.

Nafez Abu Hasna, the Palestinian journalist and TV presenter, asserted that focusing on settlement building following the stalled negotiations is much like reinventing the wheel. This is much because the progress of settlement building since the beginning of negotiations has already heralded the impossibility of establishing a Palestinian state. He further expressed his belief in the need to resolve the PA which is trying to spread the illusion of a state that only exists in the minds of those claiming that it exists. Abu Hasna blamed the PA for producing a dangerous phenomenon represented in talking about possible prosperity under the occupation.

In the same vein, Walid Muhammad ‘Ali, general manager of Baheth Center for Strategic and Palestinian Studies, stressed that the presence of the PA as an institution and the continuation of negotiations are now important for the forces seeking to consolidate the security-economic solution which is being imposed currently. The PA’s security coordination is fundamental to the success of this solution. In addition, sustaining PA institutions which pay salaries to the employees is vital for the success of the economic dimension. He added that perceiving the Western project as different from its Zionist counterpart and the resort to the West as a mediator to reach a solution are mere illusion.

Mahmud Haidar, editor-in-chief of the Madarat Magazine, considered Oslo a trap for the Palestinians and the Israelis. However, he said, Oslo was not absolute evil for the Palestinians regardless its numerous disadvantages but it rather was an attempt to make a breakthrough in the Palestinian situation. He added that while the Palestinians are focusing on their internal flaws, it is also important to keep an eye on the situation of Israel which is deeply concerned because of the geo-strategic transformations in the region. To him, the Israeli impasse is as bad as the Palestinian plight.

The first session was concluded with Rana Sa‘adah, the researcher at al-Zaytouna Centre, who stressed the need to look beyond the current map of the WB as there are many complications which might not be in Israel’s favor. These complications, she said, include the Arab uprisings and the increased isolation of Israel, the growing settlers’ violence and the demographic factor which is in favor of the Palestinian side. In this context, Sa‘adah pointed out to the plans and ideas discussed in Israel regarding the worst possible scenario including the return to the unilateral solution or recognizing the Palestinian state according to the Israeli conditions and criteria.

Second Session

The second session opened with a question posed by Wael Sa‘ad, the researcher at al-Zaytouna Centre, pertaining to the reasons which helped the Zionist project succeed in establishing its aspired state as compared to those reasons which undermined the establishment of the aspired Palestinian state. Sa‘ad focused on the need to work on improving the Palestinian individual as a basis for the advancement of the Palestinian situation. Wondering “whether we are facing a national project dilemma or a crisis in leading the national project,” he concluded that the latter is the problem which plagues the Palestinian arena.

While it is true that Israel is worried about external dangers, Saqr Abu Fakhr said, its existential concerns come from within Palestine where the borders are yet to be defined. He also added that the conflict in Palestine is, in contrast to other conflicts, not between a people and an occupying power but between two peoples and two historical narratives; it is a prolonged conflict whose end unpredictable. Abu Fakhr asserted the role of the resistance which has succeeded, albeit to a certain extent, in curbing the Israeli policies.

Regarding what should be done in the upcoming stage, Dr. Saleh attested that we should discuss the ways to make Israel suffer and pay rather than feel comfortable with its occupation of the Palestinian land. He also emphasized the need to break any dependence of the Palestinian decision making process on the Israeli conditions, where Israel lays its hands on the inputs and outputs of the institution running the Palestinian situation, namely the PA leadership which simultaneously presides over the PLO. Saleh further called for putting the Palestinian house in order through the PLO, away from the Israeli requirements and mechanisms which influence the Palestinian decision, as a step towards the improvement of the Palestinian situation.

For his part, Nafez Abu Hasna said that the most serious question facing the Palestinian national liberation movement is the lack of alternatives; thus, the problem is either in the supporting environment or in the movement itself. He opined that any talk about the future of the Palestinian liberation movement remains meaningless without an Arab supporting environment. This, accordingly, necessitates returning the Palestinian issue to the centre of concerns of all Arabs through resistance and clashing with the occupation, which would put Palestine at the forefront of all events.

Rana Sa‘adah, however, expressed an opposing view stressing that the process of change witnessed in the Arab region would keep every country occupied with its internal issues. Hence, the revitalization of resistance and clashing with the Israeli enemy would not make the Palestinian issue a priority in those countries before their domestic issues are settled and resolved.

In the same vein, Walid Muhammad ‘Ali called for restoring the Islamic and Arab dimension of the Palestinian issue where facing the international Zionist-Western project is not likely through an isolated project. He stressed the need for focusing research on the intellectual side instead of engaging in the political side which remains the ultimate role of political parties and forces.

‘Ali Barakah seconded the call for restoring the Arab and Islamic depth of the Palestinian issue. He also stressed the need to build on the Arab uprisings and turn the change into an opportunity for supporting the Palestinians rather than leave them alone.

Salah Salah expressed his support for organizing national action within a clear and specific context yet without recognizing Israel or accepting the status quo. This context must be that of liberation and struggle, which witnessed a setback as a result of the Oslo Accords. Salah stressed the need to overcome the obstacles of this option and to find a way to achieve the reconciliation.

Yassir Qaddoura, the Palestinian writer and activist, said that the resistance and peace process are never the same as the first is the rule and the latter is only an exception. It is urgent to stick to the rule, he averred, even if the mechanism and timing might need some discussion. Qaddoura called for the pursuit of a moderate speech instead of throwing out blame and accusations on the Palestinian side which still believes in the feasibility of negotiations, in order to avoid its alienation and isolation.

Concerning dissolving the PA, Hilmi Musa said that such an issue does not mean returning to a state of direct Israeli occupation. Israel has other alternatives which it can promote such as allowing the interference of a third party in the Palestinian daily issues (Egypt in GS and Jordan in the WB). He added that our ability to foresee the possible developments remains weak, if we did not consider these complications and understand the current situation.

In the context of discussing solutions, Dr. Hussein Abu al-Namel said that we are first required to know what has happened and where we are standing. He called for establishing the criteria necessary to evaluate whether the Zionist project is in crisis or not.

At the end of the session, Dr. Saleh said that the depth of crises differ between the Palestinian and Israeli sides and consequently the extent to which each side is affected by its problems. He concluded that the Palestinian national project needs to be redefined while the changes generated by the Arab uprisings should be well invested to serve the Palestinian issue.

---

Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations, Beirut 7/5/2012

(www.alzaytouna.net / 07.05.2012)

Egyptian forces detain 40 in north Sinai

EL-ARISH, Egypt (Ma’an) — Egyptian security forces made a sweep of arrests in the northern Sinai early Monday, officials said.

Forces arrested 38 suspects in the city of El-Arish near the Gaza Strip, including a Palestinian wanted on weapons charges, a security official told Ma’an.

Security forces also seized people suspected of drug-dealing and theft, the official said.

Separately, families in the Egyptian border city Rafah turned in to the authorities two men suspected of planning a bomb attack on the central security headquarters in the city.

Security officials said the pair are affiliated to Jihadi groups in the city and have been transferred to Cairo for questioning.

On Saturday, six Egyptian soldiers were kidnapped by armed Bedouins in the Sinai peninsula, before being released shortly afterward, officials said.

Egyptian security are battling for control of the peninsula since the overthrow of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak last year loosened the grip of state security in the isolated Sinai.

Military officials also warned that Jihadi groups want to oust state forces and have launched a number of deadly attacks on security officers.

(www.maannews.net / 07.05.2012)

Israel. Not looking for Peace. Nor Talks. But this…

Ethnic cleansing. Israel never had the intention for peace(talks) & sabotages them in the first place. They are a Dead On Arrival- Issue. Whenever it comes to talks, they are buying time for more ethnic cleansing.

1. So save yourself time.
   Forget all details…
   It is only about ethnic cleansing Netanyahu’s Likud says it:

   “The Government of Israel flatly rejects the establishment of a Palestinian Arab state west of the Jordan river”

   and more:

2. 

   

   Jewishjournal

   4 mesi fa
3. Israel is looking for this: The Greater Israel. And all it has done since 1948, increasingly and in disregard of countless negotiations, treaties, peace talks, conferences and more, did not distract Israel from the realisation of the “Greater Eretz”
4. 

   

   WordPress

   4 mesi fa
5. Like published by zionist terrorgroup
6. Map of “Greater Israel” Published by Radical Settler Movement

   January 15th, 2009 Martini Lahoud “The process of national revival of the Jewish people is irreversible and has its internal logic. We sh…

   

   WordPress
7. Aug 30, 2010, over 1,5 year ago (before that version of “peacetalks”) Netanyahu made a very clear statement. He even vowed before going into any talks to make NO CONCESSIONS AT ALL.

   Quoting Netanyahu on Aug 30, 2010: ”The “Eretz Israel” stretches from the Mediterranian Sea to the River Jordan”

   Which means, the greater israel incl the West Bank of Palestine as well as Gaza and even more.
   He made it very clear: ”Israel is not big enough for jewish state”

8. Netanyahu vows no concessions on ‘Eretz Israel’

   Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tried to reassure his right-wing Likud bloc in Israel’s ruling coalition on Monday he would not bow to …

   

   Alarabiya

9. On Netanyahu’s Likud website literally is stated:
   
   “The Government of Israel flatly rejects the establishment of a Palestinian Arab state west of the Jordan river”

   and more:

   The Jordan River as a Permanent Border

   The Jordan Valley and the territories that dominate it shall be under Israeli sovereignty. The Jordan river will be the permanent eastern border of the State of Israel. The Kingdom of Jordan is a desirable partner in the permanent status arrangement between Israel and the Palestinians in matters that will be agreed upon.
   and more: (NOTE Febr 10, 2012 The page below seems to be deleted from the Knesset Servers) but no panic, the screendumps is linked below the erased platform link)

10. Likud – Platform

    The Likud will seek to achieve peace and permanent borders in the framework of peace treaties between Israel and its neighbors and will s…

    

    Knesset
11. 

    

    WordPress

    3 mesi fa
12. In an op-ed in New York Times, DannyDanon said the same: “Making the Land of Israel Whole”
13. Making the Land of Israel Whole

    OVER the past few months, analysts in Israel and abroad have warned that Israel will face what Defense Minister Ehud Barak has termed a “…

    

    Nytimes
14. Recently Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin reiterated it by saying: ”The land of Israel is ours in its entirety“
15. Rivlin in Itamar: Israel is ours in its entirety

    Rivlin met with Samaria Council Head Gershon Massika, toured an elementary school and paid a visit to the Fogel family’s home, the site o…

    

    Ynetnews
16. Oct 16, 2011: Ayalon: Settlement in Jerusalem not for discussion
17. Ayalon: Settlement in Jerusalem not for discussion

    NAZARETH, (PIC)- Israel’s deputy foreign minister Danny Ayalon has said that his government would not halt building in occupied Jerusalem…

    

    WordPress
18. Leaders of Zionism spoke about an Endlösung and creation for a jewish Lebensraum at cost of Palestine for decades
19. Zionist Quotes

    Since the inception of Zionism, its leaders have been keen on creating a “Jewish State” based on a “Jewish majority” by mass immigration …

    

    Palestineremembered
20. The ethnic cleansing is not new. The “State of Israel” was founded on a mass ethnic cleansing operation called the Nakba (The Catastrophe) in which 800.000 people were exiled, of which 100.000 Christians.

    For the cause of the zionist Lebensraum, over 77 massacres have been committed: Here’s a list:

21. Israeli Massacres on Palestinians

    The Nobel Prize of Literature Jose Saramago compares the suffering of the Palestinians under Israeli occupation as the same suffering of …

    

    WordPress
22. Human Rights, which are supposed to be universal, for all humans, are VIOLATED for 64 years for the so called “security” of Israel
23. Israel’s human rights abuses in the name of security

    “Israeli security” is the sacred cow of the Israeli street and ruling establishment. Practically all the manifestations of Israeli racism…

    

    Guardian
24. Sept 26, 2011: Israel has NO intentionsat all to halt ethnic cleansing: Netanyahu: ‘We won’t renew settlement freeze to lure PA to talks’
25. We wont renew settlement freeze to lure PA to talks

    Exclusive: Netanyahu tells Post new moratorium wont be declared to get Palestinians to agree to Quartets formula for talks.

    

    Jpost
26. And not a day after that remark, it announces 1100 more settlements as well as some facist legislators and die hard ethnic cleansing promotors call for a full annexation of the West Bank of Palestine
27. Israel plans 1,100 more settlement units as legislators call for full annexation

    Tuesday September 27, 2011 17:16 by Saed Bannoura – IMEMC News A group of right-wing Israeli legislators submitted a letter to the Israel…

    

    WordPress
28. Which is not the limit by the way, not only 1100, but 1 MILLION illegal housing units are planned to be build on Palestinian lands.
29. Occupation is planning to build 1.000.000 housing units in ten years

    Ethnic Cleansing – Topic | Settlement Construction – Category OCCUPIED JERUSALEM, (PIC)- It was revealed that the Israeli occupation mini…

    

    WordPress
30. MK Danon intros bill to annex West Bank as a “punishment” after Palestinian Authority announced to seek statehood at the UN :
    “The tree that Abbas climbed up could produce the fruit of the Zionist endeavor”
31. Bill Declares Israeli Sovereignty in Judea, Samaria

    You need Flash player 6+ and JavaScript enabled to view this video. Deputy Knesset Speaker MK Danny Danon (Likud) will formally propose a…

    

    Dannydanon
32. And immediately the hasbara (propaganda) machine hits high gear:
    “Israeli cabinet may respond to UNESCO vote with ‘punitive’ settlement construction”
33. Israel mulling response to PA’s UNESCO gambit

    The US is responsible for 22% of UNESCO’s budget – roughly $60 million. “What happened in UNESCO is no simple matter and it has to be tak…

    

    Ynetnews
34. Israel’s Jerusalem municipality plans to build more than 50,000 (-update Dec 3, 2011: 85.000 units to be build before 2030) new homes in the city’s occupied eastern sector over two decades

    – 23,628 homes have already been approved, 20,263 in East Jerusalem and 3,365 in the west.
    – 13,824 are pending review, 12,819 in East Jerusalem and 1,005 in the west.
    – 23,266 housing units are still in planning stages, 19,281 in the east and 3,985 in the west.

    Of these, the municipality plans:

    – 10,366 homes in northern East Jerusalem, including illegal Israeli settlement Pisgat Zeev and Palestinian town Beit Hanina.
    – 5,239 homes in southern East Jerusalem, including Gilo settlement and Palestinian district Beit Safafa.
    – 4,886 new units in central eastern Palestinian neighborhood of Silwan and Jerusalem’s Old City.

35. Report: Israel plans 50,000 homes in East Jerusalem

    Maan News Agency | Nov 7, 2011 JERUSALEM (Ma’an) – Israel’s Jerusalem municipality plans to build more than 50,000 new homes in the city’…

    

    WordPress
36. Besides this, Israel approved plans to ethnic cleanse 27.000 Bedouin from Area C in the West Bank, additional 30.000 from the Naqab Desert (Negev) making the total of 57.000 bedouin from Palestine. The largest ethnic cleansing operation ever since the 1948 Nakba.

    57.000 of Palestine’s People to be exiled and made refugee while the world remains in GLOBALSILENCE about an UN member “Israel” that creates refugees every single day and already has displaced about 7 million people.

37. B’Tselem: Civil Administration plans to expel 27.000 Bedouins from Area C – videos

    Ethnic Cleansing – Topic | Settlement Construction – Category Source & More at the website of B’Tselem REFUSING TO DIE IN SILENCE – Video…

    

    WordPress
38. Which is, by the way, not a noveltie in the worlds corrupt politics. As already in 2005, an advisor to Shimon Peres already told the US that Negev “development” plan meant ”relocation” of 65,000 Bedouin citizen.  From Wikileaks

39. Cable Viewer

    Discussing cables If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linkin…

    

    Wikileaks
40. Ans still Hillary says “Palestinians have to be more flexible…”
41. “Palestine Has to Be More Flexible…” H(ILL)ARY SAYS!

    Truth does not matter for “Israel”. Buttons Do. To mute. In an interview with Egypt’s Al-Hayat TV released Saturday October 1st 2011, U.S…

    

    WordPress
    (More to read on: http://storify.com/occpal/israel-not-looking-for-peace-nor-talks-but-this / 07.05.2012)

10 hunger-strikers moved to clinics as Fatah eyes deal

Palestinians take part in a rally in support of Palestinian prisoners holding a hunger strike in Israeli prisons, in the West Bank city of Ramallah on May 5, 2012.

BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Ten detainees in a southern Israeli jail were transferred to medical facilities after 21 days on hunger-strike, prisoners told Ma’an on Monday.

Inmates at Nafha jail in the Negev said prison doctors had diagnosed hunger-striker Shadi al-Rekhawi, from Gaza, with partial paralysis.

The prisoners are among 2,000 Palestinians in Israeli jails who have joined a mass hunger-strike since April 17, Palestinian Prisoners Day.

Several prisoners joined the wave of hunger-strikes months ago, when Khader Adnan and Hana Shalabi won release from detention without charge by refusing food.

Israel’s Supreme Court on Monday rejected the appeals of administrative detainees Bilal Diab, 27, from Jenin, and Thaer Halahla, 33, from Hebron — who have refused food since Feb. 29.

Calls for factional unity

Prisoners are protesting detention without charge as well as restrictive conditions inside Israeli jails, including limited visiting rights and solitary confinement.

On Saturday a representative for Fatah prisoners said detained affiliates accepted half of the proposals made by an Israeli committee in response to the demands of hunger strikers.

The proposals include reinstating family visits for detainees from the Gaza Strip and forming a committee to move prisoners out of solitary confinement.

Fatah-affiliated detainees said Monday that representatives will hold a meeting with prison authorities in Ramon jail, which they described as “the moment of decision” whether remaining Fatah detainees will join the hunger-strike.

Around 500 of 3,000 Fatah affiliates are on hunger strike, along with 1,500 detainees linked to other political parties, the representatives said. There are around 4, 500 Palestinians jailed in Israel.

But Yousef Rizqa, political adviser to Hamas prime minister Ismail Haniyeh, warned on Monday that Israel was trying to use party affiliations to sow rifts between the hunger-strikers.

The government in Gaza insists only a completely successful response to demands will end the strike, as partial responses will negatively affect prisoners, he said.

Appeal to Erdogan

Rizqa said Haniyeh had sent a letter to Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan via Turkish delegates who visited the Gaza Strip, appealing for his personal intervention to save the lives of the hunger-strikers.

He noted that many were speaking out against Israel’s use of administrative detention internationally and regionally, backed by many voices in Israel who oppose the practice.

The official called on the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank to end security coordination will Israel, and to keep Israeli soldiers who enter areas of PA control in order to swap them for Palestinian detainees.

Israel released 1,047 Palestinian prisoners in 2011 after captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit was freed from the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip in October.

(www.maannews.net / 07.05.2012)